L.A. Times coverage of Korean Americans before, after 1992 riots

L.A. Times coverage of Korean Americans before, after 1992 riots

Ban, Hyun

Though Times’ efforts to cover more varied aspects of the Korean American community more frequently were successful, Korean Americans) image in the newspaper did not significantly improve after the riots.

After the acquittal of four Los Angeles Police Department officers who had brutally beaten motorist Rodney King, “Los Angeles exploded into violence that claimed 58 lives, caused nearly a billion dollars worth of damage, and led to more than 14,000 arrests.”1 In other words, during the three days of the riots, from Wednesday, April 29, through Friday, May 1,1992, America experienced its worst modern race riots.

Although many ethnic groups suffered losses in the riots, one group was hit far out of proportion to its numbers in the general population. Korean Americans saw more than 2,000 of their businesses looted or burned, “about half the approximately $770 million in estimated material losses incurred during the Los Angeles upheavals.”2

American society, called a melting pot, has been slowly cracked by both serious and trivial conflicts among different ethnic groups with different backgrounds and cultures. News coverage of ethnic minorities has been criticized for its biased reports from “the standpoint of a white man’s world.”3 From this perspective, the situation of Korean Americans, as one ethnic minority group in American society, is not an exception. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to examine the image of Korean Americans reflected in the mainstream news media beforeand after the 1992 Los Angeles riots for the purpose of understanding the conceptual issues involving how U.S. newspapers cover minorities in society.

Research issues

Many scholars have argued that news coverage either ignores or stereotypes ethnic minorities. For example, after comparing portrayals of minorities in news and entertainment media, Clint Wilson and Felix Gutierrez argued that news coverage of minorities might be more significant in influencing audiences because, although audiences consider the entertainment make– believe, they see the news as real.4 Also, “because news reflects what is really important to a society, minority coverage in mainstream news reporting provides insight into the [social] status of minorities.”5

During the three days of the Los Angeles riots, certain news media, such as the Los Angeles Times, Ted Koppel and the producers of ABC-TV’s Nightline, and KCAL-TV (ABC affiliate in Los Angeles), were targets of criticism by Asian groups. For instance, Dean Takahashi criticized the Times for not reporting statistical data on Asian American attitudes when it reported attitudes of whites, Hispanics, and African Americans, although Asians constituted 10.8 percent of the population of Los Angeles County.6 Nightline anchor Koppel and his producers were also denounced for their unbalanced reporting: they interviewed several African American, but no Korean American community leaders, even though many Korean merchants were the victims most harmed by the riots.7 Similarly, KCAL-TV was accused of having presented “unbalanced commentary and interviews that allegedly attributed the street violence to the idea that Korean merchants had been disrespectful to their African American customers and profited from them without returning anything to the community.”8


Although numerous studies have dealt with the minorities-and-news media issue, most of them were published following the 1968 national Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (the Kerner Commission) investigation of the causes of the 1960s’ urban violence. The commission reported to President Johnson that news media had ignored racial issues and added to an atmosphere of racial strife that had led to the Watts riots-9 Furthermore, the commission recommended that the media become more diverse themselves so that they could better cover minority communities.10

Edward Pease examined the news content on minorities in the Columbus (Ohio) Dispatch during 1965 – three years before the Kerner Commission Report – and during 1987. He found little change in terms of the amount of coverage given minorities but some improvement in the style (event/spot– oriented news vs. issue/process-oriented news) and tone (good news vs. bad news) of newspaper articles.11

As compared to other ethnic groups, such as African Americans or Hispanics, few media studies have focused on Asian Americans, particularly Korean Americans. Among the several ethnic minorities, the most studied group has been African Americans. Carolyn Martindale analyzed the coverage of African Americans in five newspapers before, during, and after the civil rights movement of the 1960s. She found little decrease in the amount of news space devoted to African Americans during the 1960s and 1970s, even though the highly dramatic and newsworthy confrontations typical of the 1960s seldom occurred during the 1970s.12 Five years later, she studied more extensively the coverage of African Americans in four major newspapers, from 1950 through 1989 and concluded that African Americans were often viewed as regular people doing regular things, because the findings showed some increases in everyday life coverage of African Americans. However, she also found an increased tendency to report antisocial actions in the coverage of African Americans.13

Currently, the largest immigrating minority group in the United States is Hispanics. However, only a few studies of issues involving Hispanics and the media have been published. Bradley Greenberg et al., reported that only 1.5 percent of all characters in television programs during a sample period were Hispanic, compared to 9 percent of the population, at the time.” The authors added that when Hispanics did appear, they tended to be negative or in police– action roles, such as crooks, gang members, or cops. In addition, from the result of the content analysis of local newspapers in five cities, the authors concluded that “editorial coverage and bulletin listings of Hispanic people and their activities are below average and in need of considerable attention.”13

Although Asian Americans constitute the fastest-growing minority group in the United States and Canada, they have received little attention from communication scholars. A civic group, Asian Americans for Fair Media, published a handbook, The Asian Image in the United States: Stereotypes and Realities, in 1974, and distributed copies to members of media industries. According to the handbook,

…early Asian immigrants were forced into menial occupations, without option, to survive. Asians, however, are no longer confined to those occupations, but media have continued to portray, stereotypically, Chinese as laundry men, Japanese as gardeners, and Filipinos as house boys.16

Even today, Asian Americans have been frequently and negatively stereotyped by whites, and even by other minority groups, as “passive, cunning, docile, shy, sinister, myopic, inscrutable, and so on.”17 These kinds of stereotypes, David Shaw has argued, automatically lumped all Asian Americans into “a single community, without recognizing the substantial differences in culture[s] and language[s] among the varied elements” of the community.ls From a different view, however, Richard Harris pointed out that “Asian Americans were portrayed more positively than other minorities in U.S. media because of the model minority image of the group that succeeds academically, commercially, and socially.”19 However, he added that sometimes this success image is used to ignore problems that the group has or to criticize other minorities for doing less well and seeming lazy. In this sense, Harris introduced Korean Americans as an example: “In the 1992 Los Angeles race riots, some of the major targets of angry looters and arsonists were Korean American-owned businesses.”20

Research questions

This study examined and empirically compared how Korean Americans were portrayed in the Los Angeles Times before and after the 1992 Los Angeles riots. To the end, the following two questions guided the study:

* Was the overall focus of coverage of Korean Americans before and after the riots on racial tension or normal lifestyle?

* Was the overall direction of the coverage before and after the riots favorable, unfavorable, or neutral towards Korean Americans?


The present study used content analysis to examine the image of Korean Americans presented by the Los Angeles Times before and after the 1992 Los Angeles riots. The population was defined as all articles mentioning Korean Americans, including editorials and letters to the editors, six months before the 1992 Los Angeles riots- from November 1990 through October 1991 – and six months after the riots – from November 1992 through October 1993. This time frame avoided the period of heavy coverage of Korean Americans right after the riots and maintained an appropriate time period for observing their image change from before to after the riots. Also, the Los Angeles Times was chosen for the present study because it is not only the most widely read newspaper in the West Coast area where Los Angeles is located but, also, one of the most influential elite newspapers in the United States.

From the Lexis/Nexis database, the full text of all items about Korean Americans in the Times during these two periods was obtained. However, stories mentioning South Korea and Koreans in their country were excluded, because the present study focused only on Koreans in America.

During the one-year period before the riots, the Times printed a total of 61 articles mentioning Korean Americans and their activities in the community. During the one-year period after the riots, the newspaper printed 145 such articles. After items with fewer than 200 words were excluded from the population, the total number of articles accepted for each period was 52 and 125, respectively. Therefore, the unit of analysis was the whole item, whether a news story, an editorial, a letter to the editor, or an opinion column, exceeding 200 words.

The sample was drawn from the population by using random sampling. Forty-eight items were drawn from the population (N = 52) of the period before the riots, using a table of random numbers, and 62 items were randomly selected from the population (N = 125) of the period after the riots.

Content categories

Four sets of categories were defined to represent the two research questions. For the first question – “Was the overall focus of coverage of Korean Americans before and after the riots on racial tension or normal lifestyle?” – two categories were developed: racial tension and normal lifestyle. Racial tension included notation of the other ethnic groups: Koreans-African Americans, Koreans-Hispanics, and Koreans-other ethnic groups. On the other hand, the normal lifestyle category included notation of the activities covered: politics, community business, cultural events/entertainment, religion, riot effects, and other content.

For the second research question – “Was the overall direction of the coverage before and after the riots favorable, unfavorable, or neutral towards Korean Americans?” – three categories were defined: favorable, un favorable, and neutral.

The following operational definitions of the categories were used for the present study:

Racial tension. Mainstream news media have tended to ignore other various aspects of minority groups, such as political, economic, and cultural activities, while focusing mainly on a negative image of minorities, such as racial tensions between minorities. Martindale argued that the goal urged by the Kerner Commission and many African Americans was to cover the same kinds of news about African Americans as about white Americans and to show individual African Americans and their communities in all their diverse activities and aspects. This does not mean that all news about minorities must be good news, but that minorities should be presented in all types of news, like the white majority.21

In this sense, when an article or an editorial appearing in the Los Angeles Times focused on the tension and conflicts between the Koreans and other minority communities (or individuals) or on the effects of those tensions, it was coded into racial tension and the other ethnic groups, African Americans and Hispanics were noted. More specifically, this category included both negative and positive stories, such as a boycott of the Korean shops by African Americans, crimes between the two groups’ members (no matter which group member may be a victim or a suspect), the effects of the crimes, trials for those crimes, and community or individual efforts to improve race relations (e.g., meetings between Korean and African American community leaders).

Normal lifestyle. When an article or an editorial appearing in the Times presented content other than racial tension, it was coded normal lifestyle and the activities covered – Korean community events, individual achievements, political and business activities, religious activities, non-racial crimes or accidents, and riots effects – was noted. These kinds of news stories show the normal, everyday life of Korean Americans without showing prejudice against, or stereotyping of, the minority, even though content was negative, in some cases.

Favorable. When a news story or an editorial contained any of the attributes, relationships, terms, expressions, and phrases showing a positive image of Korean Americans, it was coded favorable to Korean Americans. This category included such stories as the Korean community’s efforts to seek conciliation with other minority communities, success stories about Korean Americans and interviews with them, Korean culture, and so forth. Furthermore, this category included articles that had more positive than negative parts, particularly when an article possessed both positive and negative image cues regarding Korean Americans. For example, the story about some of the Korean community leaders’ meetings with black gang members was coded in the favorable category because, although those kinds of meetings were criticized by other Korean community leaders for possibly helping gang activities, most parts of the article reported that the meetings were organized as sound efforts to seek conciliation with the African American community, where many Korean-owned shops are located.

Unfavorable. When a news story or an editorial contained any of the attributes, relationships, terms, expressions, and phrases portraying a negative image of Korean Americans, it was coded unfavorable to Korean Americans. In this category, Korean Americans were viewed as threats to society by the mainstream newspaper. Also, unfavorable articles portrayed the Korean Americans as greedy and aggressive immigrants, troublemakers, or victims of the crimes involving other minority group members, particularly African Americans. For example, the Times reported that an African American man who threatened robbery was shot and killed by a Korean grocer. Later, the newspaper reported that the Korean-owned liquor store, located in the South Central Los Angeles area, was boycotted by African American neighbors.

Neutral. When a news story or an editorial was neither favorable nor unfavorable to Korean Americans, it was coded in the neutral category. In other words, the content of stories in this category showed a balance of, or no, positive and negative arguments. However, the coder reserved use of this category as a last resort.

Based upon these operational definitions, each article in the sample was simultaneously coded into one of each set of categories: racial tension or normal lifestyle and favorable, unfavorable, or neutral. For the nature, size, and scope of this study, a single coder was deemed sufficient to doing valid coding. Thus, 25 percent of the sample items (28) were coded again by two independent judges. The results of this coder’s consistency against two judges indicated 91 and 95 percent agreement, respectively. Disagreements were resolved by discussion between the judges. Thus, the final agreement was 100 percent.


Overall, the amount of coverage of Korean Americans significantly increased from before (61) to after the 1992 Los Angeles riots (145). That is, the Times published more than twice the number of stories about Korean Americans after the 1992 Los Angeles riots than before the riots. Although this study did not pose a question about the change in the number of articles, this kind of descriptive finding is helpful in exploring whether the mainstream news media ignore the lives of ethnic minorities and their communities.

Table 1 shows that before the 1992 Los Angeles riots, 35 (72.9 percent) of the 48 articles mentioning Korean Americans focused heavily on racial tension stories. More specifically, all but one racial tension article focused on the conflicts between Korean Americans and African Americans (n = 34, 70.8 percent). The remaining article was a story about the relationship between Koreans and Hispanics. During the same period, however, the Times published only 13 (27 percent) normal lifestyle stories.

After the riots, only nine (14.5 percent) articles addressed racial tension. All nine articles addressed racial conflicts between Korean Americans and African Americans.

Normal lifestyle stories dominated during the sampled period after the riots (n = 53, 85.5 percent). More specifically, among the 53 articles, the Times published seven (11.3 percent) articles about political activities, five (8.1 percent) about community business, 10 (16.1 percent) about cultural events, one (1.6 percent) about religious activities, 13 (21 percent) about riot effects, and 17 (27.4 percent) about other contents. Table 1 also shows that the percentage of all these sub-categories within the normal lifestyle category was greater after the riots.

In addition to these descriptive data, the data summary in Table 1 indicates the Times published significantly more articles referring to various and normal aspects (e.g., political activities, community business, cultural events, etc.) of Korean Americans and their community than before the riots. By the same token, the newspaper published fewer articles about the tensions between two ethnic minority groups, particularly Korean Americans and African Americans, after the riots.

Regarding the other research question, two variables – overall direction and period – were cross-tabulated to determine how the direction of the Times’ coverage of Korean Americans related to the time period, before and after the riots. Before the riots, the overall direction of the Times’ coverage was almost evenly divided between favorable (n = 19, 39.6 percent) and unfavorable (n= 20, 41.7 percent) articles. On the other hand, after the riots, 27 (43.5 percent) articles of 62 sampled were favorable to Korean Americans, and 21 (33.9 percent) unfavorable. That is, the percentage of favorable articles was slightly greater after the riots, whereas the percentage of unfavorable coverage of Korean Americans was slightly lower after the riots. However, the relationship between two variables (period and overall direction) is not statistically significant.

Table 2 shows that the relationship between the two variables-the direction (favorable, unfavorable, or neutral) and the focus (racial tension and normal lifestyle) of the Times’ coverage of Korean Americans – was statistically significant (X^sup 2^ (2) = 21.112, p

After the riots, 22 (81.5 percent) of the 27 favorable articles reported normal lifestyle; 17 (81 percent) of the 21 unfavorable articles also reported normal lifestyle. This seems an interesting finding in that, unlike before the riots, the focus of the Times’ coverage of Korean Americans was predominantly on normal lifestyle after the riots, whether the stories were favorable or unfavorable to Korean Americans. However, after the riots, no statistically significant relationship was found between these variables.


During the three-day Los Angeles riots, April 29 through May 1, 1992, many Korean Americans living in Los Angeles experienced great personal disaster, physical damage to their properties, and psychological shock. Although Korean Americans were the most damaged riot victims, they were often portrayed by mainstream news media as greedy and aggressive immigrants or troublemakers rather than as victims. Denis McQuail has argued that ethnic minorities are often highlighted as problematic for society, even when they are reported as victims.22

This study found that, during the one-year period before the 1992 Los Angeles riots, the Los Angeles Times printed 61 items about Korean Americans, while, during the one-year period after the riots, the Times published 145 such items. That is, the Times published more than twice as many stories about Korean Americans after the riots than before.

This change can be explained, in part, by the fact that, because the Times received many complaints and criticisms from minority leaders and journalists about its unbalanced coverage of minorities during and after the riots, the editors and reporters might have tried to find a way to resolve those criticisms and their efforts were reflected in this increased coverage. This change might also be explained by the increased number of minority journalists in the Times newsroom. During the riots, the newspaper suffered a lack of minority reporters to cover minority communities. After the riots, the Times employed more minority journalists to cover the various voices from the ethnic- minority communities. According to staff from the Los Angeles Times, “since 1989, minorities have grown from 10 percent to 19 percent of the total editorial staff, ranking the Times among the top 10 major U. S. newspapers in terms of minority representation.23

However, these general numbers cannot tell the entire story. Dean Takahashi, a Times staff member and the president of the Los Angeles chapter of the Asian American Journalists Association during the riots, pointed out “there is still a shortage of high-ranking editors and high-profile reporters of color at the Times”24

Findings indicated that the Times coverage of Korean Americans focused more on racial tension stories before the 1992 Los Angeles riots, more on normal lifestyle after the riots. Particularly, before the riots, the Times coverage focused heavily on the tension between Korean shop owners and African American neighbors.

This kind of one-sided coverage has usually been promoted by the popular use of dramatic and crisis-oriented story-telling practices among majority journalists. That is, although many other positive events might have taken place in the Korean community during the period before the riots, the newspaper was not interested in those positive events and the daily lives of Korean Americans, because they are not usually sensational or dramatic and might not be considered newsworthy. Consequently, the problem is that this one– sided coverage can convey a distorted image or a negative stereotype of Korean Americans to the white American readers as well as to other ethnic minority groups. Martindale has argued that the way the media portray minorities and report on relations between the races strongly influences the way the public perceives these aspects of American life.25

On the other hand, this study found an interesting fact in that, after the riots, the overall focus of Times coverage of Korean Americans changed significantly. That is, after the riots, Times reporters tried to cover the same kinds of news about Korean Americans as they do about whites, showing the ordinary life of the Korean community as well as the unusual aspects, avoiding stereotypical images of Korean Americans. This change in the focus of coverage can be explained by the fact that the Times became more sensitive to the issue raised by the minority groups, because many Korean Americans and other minority groups criticized the mainstream media for their unbalanced coverage of ethnic minorities during and after the riots. Then, the newspaper began to seek the various issues and events involving their minority neighborhoods.

In addition to this kind of immediate effect, the change in the focus of coverage can be explained by other long-term factors. First, the political power of the Korean community in Los Angeles has increased, as several Korean Americans have increasingly participated in mainstream politics. During the sampled period after the riots, for example, the first Asian American (the first Korean, in particular) elected to the U.S. Congress was frequently and positively covered by the Times. Later, he received negative attention from the news media again because he was investigated by a Federal agency for illegally spending his business money during his election campaign. Naturally, the Times reported this story in detail. More specifically, the findings showed that the percentage of political activity stories changed, from 4.2 percent before to 11.3 percent after the riots.

Another long-term factor can be economic. As the population of Korean Americans in Los Angeles has increased rapidly, their economic power has grown too, as both producers and consumers. Given that situation, the Times could not ignore the growing economic power of the minority group, which, in turn, became one of the biggest minority consumer groups among local advertisers buying lineage in the newspaper. Therefore, unlike before the riots, the Times often reported business news about several successful Korean businessmen and about Koreatown, which is the largest Korean residential, commercial, and cultural center in America, after the riots. According to the findings of this study, the percentage of community business news stories also changed, from 4.2 percent before to 8.1 percent after the riots.

But the findings also indicate that no significant change in the direction of Times coverage was found from before to after the riots. Before the riots, the Times coverage of Korean Americans was almost evenly divided between favorable and unfavorable stories. This means that the image of Korean Americans in the Times did not improve much after the riots.

The relationship between the focus (racial tension and normal lifestyle) and the direction (favorable, unfavorable, and neutral) of the Times coverage during the sampled period before the riots was significant, although no significant relationship was found after the riots. That is, a significant change occurred from before to after the riots. This is not a surprising finding in that most of the racial tension articles tend to be unfavorable to Korean Americans, reporting racial crimes, trials for those crimes, and a boycott of Korean shops by African Americans. In contrast, most of the normal lifestyle articles were favorable to Korean Americans because most of the normal lifestyle news included positive stories, such as success stories of Korean Americans in political and economic areas and cultural events that occurred in Koreatown.

In sum, this ad hoc finding indicates more specifically how positive or negative the image of Korean Americans was in terms of the types of coverage. Furthermore, comparing the images of Korean Americans between the two periods before and after the riots adds more clear insight into how the Korean image changed between the two periods.


Overall, this study produced mixed results. That is, the Times’ efforts to cover more frequently, and more varied aspects of, the Korean American community was successful. Nevertheless, the Korean American image in the Times did not significantly improve after the riots, in that the difference between the amount of favorable and unfavorable articles was not significant.

Considering these conclusions, Korean Americans and their community leaders should make their own efforts to improve their image in American society, as well as in the mainstream news media. Among many ways to reach that end, they should change their passive attitude towards the mainstream society. The Korean community has been considered one of the most closed minority communities in America. One of the main complaints from other minority groups, particularly African Americans, is “Koreans’ failure to hire local residents of another color.”Ze Similarly, In-Jin Yoon said,

…Korean immigrants have shown a strong propensity towards self-employed small businesses. According to the 1980 U.S. Census, about 14 percent of the employed Koreans in the United States are either selfemployed or unpaid family workers. This figure is considerably higher than the mere 7 percent of general American population that is either selfemployed or unpaid family workers.27

Therefore, Korean Americans should make an effort to live in harmony with their neighbors of other colors, not only showing their efforts to resolve racial tensions but, also, participating actively in various events occurring in their neighboring minority communities, where many Korean businesses are located. At the same time, Korean Americans should try to announce, publicly and actively, their opinions and the positive aspects of their everyday lives as American citizens.

In addition to the efforts by Korean Americans, the local newspaper, the Los Angeles Times, should make its own effort to re-evaluate its journalistic conduct in its coverage of minorities, as well as in its responsibilities to society as a whole. That is, the Times should make a substantial effort to present the more positive aspects of ethnic minorities, Korean Americans in particular. To accomplish this goal, the newspaper should not only hire more minority journalists but also give them equal opportunity to express their voices as much as the white journalists. Although the Times hired more minority journalists after the riots, the newspaper was also criticized for zoning minority journalists after the riots.

Furthermore, the newspaper should remember its social responsibility for informing the public of what minorities really want, considering the fact that they are individuals, the same as whites. When this kind of media responsibility for ethnic minorities is achieved, it can eventually meet the standards expressed by the various groups in American society.

This study has a number of limitations in terms of its research design and method. First, the Times cannot represent all the views of every newspaper covering Korean Americans living in the Los Angeles area. Second, the time frame for this study may not be appropriate for measuring the image change of Korean Americans in the newspaper. This six month gap before and after the riots may not be long enough to determine how the media image of Korean Americans changed because, as discussed previously, image does not change overnight.

Although many studies of the issue of media and minorities have been conducted, mainly in terms of the types of media stereotypes of minorities, particularly African Americans, and of the employment of minority journalists in the mainstream media, no study has examined the image of Korean Americans in news media. According to Won Moo Hurh and Kang Chung Kim, “…research on Koreans in the United States is still in the exploratory stage. In fact, most of the empirical research on Korean Americans has been accomplished since 1976.”28 In this sense, this study might be the first attempt to examine the relationship between the news media and Korean Americans at the exploratory or descriptive level. Therefore, this study might contribute to understanding minority issues in mass communication and might offer a potentially valuable tool for local media industries in evaluating process in the area of minority representation in general, and Korean Americans in particular.


1. Paul Ong and Suzanne Hee, Losses in the Los Angeles Civil Unrest: April 29- May 1, 1992. Los Angeles, California: Center for Pacific Rim Studies, University of California, 1993, p. 7.

2. Elaine H. Kim, Home Is Where the Han Is: A Korean American Perspective on the Los Angeles Upheavals. Social Justice, Vol. 20, No. 1-2,1993, pp. 1-21. 3. Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders. New York: New York Times Co., 1968, p. 366.

4. Clint C. Wilson and Felix Gutierrez, Minorities and Media. Beverly Hills, California: Sage, 1985, p. 134. 5. Ibid..

6. Dean Takahashi, The LA Riots and Media Preparedness. Editor & Publisher, May 23, 1992, p. 44.

7. M. L. Stein, Coverage Complaints. Editor & Publisher, May 23,1992, pp. 13. 8. Ibid..

9. Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, 1968, pp. 362-388. 10. Ibid.

11. Edward C. Pease, Minority News Coverage in the Columbus Dispatch. Newspaper Research Journal, Spring 1989, pp. 17-37

12. Carolyn Martindale, Coverage of Black Americans in Five Newspapers since 1950. Journalism Quarterly,1985, pp. 321-328, 436.

13. Carolyn Martindale, Coverage of Black Americans in Four Major Newspapers, 19501989. Newspaper Research Journal, Summer 1990, pp. 96-112. 14. Bradley S. Greenberg, etal., Mexican Americans and the Mass Media. Norwood, New Jersey: ABLEX Publishing,1983, p. 240. 15. Ibid., p. 233.

16. The Asian Image in the United States: Stereotypes and Realities. New York: Asian Americans for Fair Media,1974, p. 5.

17. Linda C. Roberts, Regardless of Race: Toward Communication Free of Racial and Ethnic Bias in Without Bias: A Guidebook for Nondiscriminatory Communication.

New York: International Association of Business Communications, 1977, p. 7. 18. David Shaw, Quill, May 1991, pp. 15-19.

19. Richard J. Harris, A Cognitive Psychology of Mass Communication. Hillsdale New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum,1994, p. 57. 20. Ibid., p. 58.

21. Martindale, Coverage of Black Americans in Four Major Newspapers, op.cit., p. 110. 22. Denis McQuail, Mass Communication Theory. London: Sage,1987, p.195. 23. E-mail message from Gloria Lopez, public information officer in the communication department of the Los Angeles Times, December 27,1996. 24. Takahashi, op.cit., p. 44.

25. Carolyn Martindale, The White Press and Black America. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1986, p. 1.

26. Jerry Jeffe, Diversity in South Central. California Journal, January 1995, p. 24.

27. In-Jin Yoon, The Changing Significance of Ethnic and Class Resources in Immigrant Businesses: The Case of Korean Immigrant Businesses in Chicago. International Immigration Review, Summer 1991, p. 331.

28. Won Moo Hurh and Kang Chung Kim, Adaptation Stages and Mental Health of Korean Male Immigrants in the United States. International Immigration Review, Fall 1990, p. 457.

Ban is a doctoral student in journalism at the University of Texas in Austin. Adams is professor of mass communication and journalism at California State University in Fresno.

Copyright E.W. Scripps School of Journalism Summer/Fall 1997

Provided by ProQuest Information and Learning Company. All rights Reserved