“As long as he is an immigrant from the United Kingdom”: Deception, ethnic bias and milestone commemoration in the Department of Citizenship and Immigration, 1953-1965
Badgley, Kerry
Cette etude examine la tentative de 1953 lancee par le Ministere de l’ Immigration et de la Citoyennete pour commemorer le millioneme immigrant d’apres-guerre au Canada. Les technocrates federaux opterent pour une preselection du millioneme immigrant afin de s’ assurer que celui-ci serait un homme blanc, jeune, britannique et susceptible d’etre requ. A partir de l’examen de ce projet, on gagne un aperqu de l’attitude du bureau de l’immigration au debut des annees 50 et de la faqon dont les agents voulaient se faire percevoir par le public canadien au point ou ils n’hesitaient pas a recourir a la supercherie pour atteindre leurs objectifs
In late 1953 it dawned on some officials in the Department of Citizenship and Immigration that, in the spring of 1954, Canada would receive its millionth postwar immigrant. To mark that event, they felt that a celebration was in order. Rather than carefully monitoring the number of immigrants arriving in Canada and selecting the person they believed to be the millionth, or randomly selecting an individual as he or she disembarked from plane or ship, these officials, not wishing to leave anything to chance, devised a plan rife with deception in order to ensure that the millionth immigrant would fulfil their criteria; that is, that the candidate be young, male, British and potentially successful.
The following paper focusses on this scheme and briefly describes subsequent attempts at milestone commemoration in the department. In so doing, it will be argued that, in committing this deception, the actions of these officials may have represented a misreading of public opinion regarding immigration, and even if it did not, the original goal of using milestone commemoration to show the public the benefits of immigration was lost. Valuable insights can be obtained in learning how an institution sees itself and wishes to be perceived. An analysis of selfperception may lead to a better understanding of how an institution actually functions; it has indeed, an impact on policy formulation. The work of Ian McKay, for example, on the state-directed cultivation of image in Nova Scotia points to the value of this sort of inquiry.’ Finally, this paper hopes to stimulate further research into the public relations side of immigration policy – an aspect that has been all but ignored in scholarly writing.2
The period from the mid-1940s to the mid-1960s was an ambiguous one, as far as immigration policy was concerned. According to Freda Hawkins, much of this ambiguity stemmed from the failure to resolve what purpose or purposes immigration performed. Did immigration serve international political ends? Did it lead to needed population growth? Did it stimulate the economy? Did it fill gaps in the labour force? According to Hawkins, no clear answer to these questions emerged. Those who formulated immigration policy believed that it served all of these objectives, to varying degrees, but appeared reluctant to state definitively the extent to which immigration met these goals.3
Hawkins also argues that many Canadians were not particularly keen on the idea of letting certain ethnic groups into Canada. She cites as evidence some rather damning testimony of the Trades and Labour Congress and the Canadian Congress of Labour before the Senate’s Standing Committee on Immigration and Labour, which was struck in 1946 and continued its investigations until 1953.4 How representative these views were of mainstream perceptions is debatable. There is little doubt that there were nativistic and outright racist elements in Canadian society, a trend that continues to the present, but what percentage of Canadians actually held these beliefs? If anything, as Howard Palmer writes, the postwar era was a period during which “economic prosperity and changing intellectual and social assumptions diminished nativism and prejudice, and helped pave the way for the growing acceptance of pluralism by the 1960s.”5 Discussing the 1940s, Donald Avery argues that, “while Canadians remained wary about accepting large numbers of refugees, especially if they were Jewish, there were indications that the country was gradually discarding xenophobic and racist polities.”6 Canada may not have been an immigrant’s paradise, and certainly there was tension between continued nativism by some and greater acceptance of ethnic diversity by others, but there were signs that attitudes towards non-British immigration were increasingly welcoming.
In the cases where nativistic or racist views persisted, one wonders whether state pronouncements on the subject actually helped encourage or reinforce these perceptions. Prime Minister Mackenzie King’s statement on Canada’s long-term immigration policy, announced in May 1947, is a case in point. In addition to standard nationalistic rhetoric about immigration being a matter of national prerogative and not a right, and about self-interested reasons for encouraging immigration to Canada, King noted: “Immigration must not distort the present character of the Canadian population. The restriction on Asiatic immigration must remain.”7 With these sorts of views being articulated by the country’s leader, an examination of how the state tried to influence public opinion on immigration is in order. Scarcely a year after the creation of the Department of Citizenship and Immigration in 1950,8 Georges R. Benoit, chief of the Operations Division, pointed out to C.E.S. Smith,9 director of the Immigration Branch, that the success of Canada’s immigration policy “depends, and will increasingly depend, upon enlightened public support.”‘o Thus, it was vitally important from an operational perspective “that every effort be made to explain the significance and value of immigration to Canada in all its aspects, demographic, economic and social.” To this end, co-operation with the CBC and private broadcasters was encouraged, and the appointment of a public speaker to travel across the country promoting immigration was considered. Benoit wanted the Editorial and Information Division to map out a public information programme so that “many misconceptions could be removed from the minds of many well disposed but ill-informed people.””
It appears that these suggestions, for unknown reasons, were not acted upon. There are references to other attempts to educate Canadians about the benefits of a vigorous immigration policy. In 1953, partly in response to the “good number of requests … from Canadian individuals, schools and colleges, as well as from voluntary organizations engaged in citizenship promotion,” the departmental Committee on Publications considered preparing a pamphlet “which would outline the contribution of various ethnic groups … to Canada.” Without giving any reason for doing so, the committee decided “not to approve the undertaking at the present time.” Nor does it appear that the decision was reversed over the next few years.’2
In late 1953, an opportunity arose for Benoit that was too good for him to pass up. It occurred to him that the millionth post-war immigrant was due to arrive in Canada in May 1954, and, in a memorandum to Smith, he argued that the event would provide an excellent opportunity to “focus public attention on immigration and the social acceptance of immigrants.”‘3 As with his earlier suggestion, it appears that Benoit wished to use his division to promote more ethnic tolerance. The day after this memorandum was drafted, however, brought events that would distort and eventually doom the celebration. Smith brought the proposal to the attention of Laval Fortier, the deputy minister, who thought that it would bring the department some favourable publicity. Believing that Fortier should be aware of the possible down-side of such an event, Smith then pointed out potential pitfalls. For instance, some journalists who were hostile to immigration might cast the event and the department in a negative light. Furthermore, there might be “difficulty in selecting the suitable prospect.” Fortier then suggested that the millionth immigrant “should be a young Britisher.”Il Note the change in orientation: instead of informing the public of the value of immigration, the commemoration now was to be a public relations exercise – one emphasising the “Britishness” of immigration to Canada. More importantly, it is at this point that one sees for the first time the idea of pre-selecting the millionth immigrant.
The next step was to ask E.B. Reid, head of the Editorial and Information Division, what he thought of the idea. Aside from Reid’s prediction that certain newspapers (especially The Globe and Mail) would criticise the government and claim that two million immigrants could have been accepted during the same period, he thought the idea was a sound one. He noted, however, that there were three potential dangers that would have to be considered:
1) the millionth immigrant may be an “unstable character whose failure to become established … in Canada might prove a boomerang at a later date”;
2) a sceptical press might want to know how the millionth immigrant was definitively established;
3) if a pre-selected immigrant was taken into the Department’s confidence, he or she might state “publicly at some future date that the whole thing was staged. This could prove embarrassing.”
To ameliorate these concerns, the officer-in-charge of immigration in London might be able to notify Ottawa of three or four people who would be suitable candidates. These people, Reid emphasised, should have good employment records in a trade for which there was a demand in Canada. “My choice would be a young married man and for photographic purposes it would be better if he were accompanied by his family.” Of course, if the scheme was to work, it would be necessary to place a departmental official at the gangplank of the ship to whom the officer on board might point out the millionth immigrant:
If the press was curious as to how we established that this particular person was the millionth, we will then be in a position to tell them that the 204th person down the gangplank was the millionth and this was the 204th. This will then appear to be spontaneous and certainly will come as a complete surprise to the immigrant concerned.’5
Smith discussed the plan with Fortier, who suggested the person selected should be “a boy between the age of 14-16.” No reason was offered as to why this should be the case.’6
The selection requirements for the ideal millionth immigrant were subsequently fleshed out in a confidential memorandum from Smith to L.G. Cumming, superintendent of Immigration in London, England. Not only should the candidate be male, British and between 14 and 16 years old, but he should also be “the son of a man who has a good employment record in the United Kingdom and whose background would indicate that he would have a minimum of difficulty becoming established in and adjusting to living in Canada.” As Smith wrote to the superintendent, “We have no choice as to whether the immigrant is English, Welsh, Irish (Northern Ireland) or Scotch [sic] as long as he is an immigrant from the United Kingdom.”” Cumming believed that there would be no difficulty in finding a suitable candidate.18
It would be fair to state that, at this point in the scheme a certain amount of paranoia set in among those involved, a condition that was to remain for the duration. In mid-January a relatively innocuous editorial appeared in the Montreal Gazette, which merely indicated that the millionth post-war immigrant would arrive in Canada in a few months, but that it was unlikely that anyone would know the identity of this person when the time came.19 Upon seeing the article, Reid wrote to the director that, because of the attitude of the press, every effort should be made to create the “appearance of plausibility” when selecting the millionth immigrant. Reid feared that if the potential millionth was taken into the government’s confidence, at some future date
(he) could say quite casually and without any intention of creating a controversy that he was informed before he left England that he would be the millionth. In the hands of an unfriendly paper such as the Globe and Mail, we could be held up to considerable ridicule. Quite simply, this would not do.
One might assume that, at that point, with the complication of media interest, the risk of being discovered trying to pre-select a person had become so great that the plans should be dropped. Instead, Reid suggested that the millionth immigrant simply not be told that he had been selected, a suggestion that met with Smith’s approval. Smith, in turn, passed the proposal up to Deputy Minister Fortier who, evidently, concurred. In late January 1954, Immigration officials in Ottawa asked Immigration personnel in London to forward a list of potential candidates, with instructions that none of these people was to be informed that they might be chosen. A short time later, Cumming sent the name of a 17-year-old boy whom he felt was “eminently suitable for our purposes.”2′
At the same time, Howard R. Hight, officer-in-charge of the Belfast Immigration Office, submitted the name of another candidate who was sailing to Canada with his parents and 10 siblings. Hight felt that the Canadian media would find in this Irish boy considerable potential for a good human interest story. His father and mother had immigrated to Canada much earlier, but had returned to Ireland during the Depression. The family eventually realised that Canada offered the best opportunity for prosperity, so the father returned advance of the family and secured employment.” Reid agreed that this boy might generate considerable positive publicity, “particularly in view of the fact that everybody loves the Irish.” Still, he was concerned about the family’s chances in Canada, and suggested that someone from a regional office close to where the father had settled “make a diplomatic investigation into the … family circumstances, including the father.” In fact, when it came time to investigate the family in Belfast, a pretext was found. As Cumming noted to Smith, “In order to avoid any inkling of the real reason of this enquiry becoming known, we have simply asked that Parts 1 and 2 of Form OS8 [“Application for Admission to Canada” – the form in use at that time] be completed … on the grounds that he [the candidate] is over 16 years of age.”23 The added advantage of having the form filled out was that it included a photograph of the applicant, which could be forwarded to Smith.
As with most closely guarded secrets, the news that Canada was anticipating its millionth post-war immigrant and that the event might be commemorated spread to certain individuals outside government circles. In late February Smith learned that a representative of KLM Airlines had called the Ottawa Immigration office. This official had mentioned that a company employee in Holland had heard that Canada was expecting its millionth immigrant and asked if the millionth could be brought into the country by that airline. In what was becoming increasingly characteristic truth-stretching, Smith replied that the department had “no idea who the millionth immigrant will be, but my thought would be that in view of the fact that most immigrants arrive by sea, the likelihood would be that the millionth would be reaching Canada in that way.”‘
At the same time officials in the United Kingdom continued to send OS8 forms of potential candidates to Ottawa. Editorial comments, pointing out the strengths and weaknesses of the candidate, often accompanied them. To cite but one example, when Cumming sent the director an application form for a 15-year-old boy, he observed that the candidate was employed as a plumber’s apprentice, “which means that his education cannot be very complete.” In subsequent correspondence it was learned that the boy had another strike against him – his father worked in the building trades, an occupation that was often negatively affected by seasonal changes.25
In the meantime, Cumming received a call from Major J.S.P. Armstrong, the agent-general for Ontario in London, who asked if anything could be done to ensure the selection of a British subject. Evidently, the London Daily Telegraph wished to write a feature story on the subject when the millionth immigrant arrived in Canada. Cumming proceeded to mislead Armstrong by informing him that he “knew nothing officially about any pre-selection,” although he imagined that the department “would have in mind very much the ideas he had expressed.” He also informed Armstrong that, for obvious reasons, no publicity could be made in advance of the event “as any reference to a specific person as the millionth immigrant would throw discredit on any recognition that might be made of his arrival.”26
By 15 March three names had been submitted as potential candidates, but all three were rejected by Ottawa officials for one reason or another. With time quickly running out (by the end of March the total number of post-war immigrants was expected to top the 980,000 mark), Smith asked Cumming to “keep pressing all United Kingdom offices for further recommendations.” Regarding the Telegraph’s request, Smith replied that department officials were still in the process of deciding whether to take any newspapers into their confidence in advance. Pressure to do so was mounting, though. In fact, Smith had been approached by the Toronto Star Weekly and the Montreal Weekend Picture magazine. Both of these publications wanted to produce feature stories on the subject.”
By that time word of the millionth immigrant was becoming increasingly widespread. J.L. Whitehead of the Liverpool office of the Cunard Steamship Company wrote to his superior in Montreal, Arthur Randles, that the Belfast News-Letter had reported that the Canadian government contemplated a special ceremony to mark the event. Whitehead informed Randles that, due to Northern Irish press criticisms of conditions for immigrants to Canada (chiefly, that many who emigrated could not find work), the millionth immigrant should be English. Naturally, if at all possible he should come over on a Cunard ship. Randles forwarded a copy of Whitehead’s letter to Smith, who replied that the identity of the millionth immigrant and the steamship line that would carry him or her were as yet unknown; however, “in view of the large number of British arriving, there is every possibility that he or she may be a Britisher.”Il
Meanwhile, the search for the ideal millionth immigrant continued. Reid was informed in late March of a Scottish 16-year-old boy who seemed to fit the bill, and he asked W.A. McFaul, eastern district superintendent of Immigration stationed in Montreal, to make a “routine” call on his father, who had already come to Canada. Reid instructed McFaul that there was to be “no intimation to the father that his son is likely to be the millionth immigrant as we want to make it appear as something in the nature of `the luck of the draw.”‘ By this time another likely candidate had been located in England, and Immigration officials were asked to make the same sort of inquiries about this boy and his family.29
Details of how such discreet inquiries were undertaken were provided in a very self-satisfied report written by F. Stafford, officer-in-charge of the Edmonton Citizenship and Immigration Office. Stafford interviewed the father of one of the prospective candidates, leading him “to believe that my interview was only to ascertain how he had been making out in Canada, how he liked the country, and his prospects for the future.” Like most trusting souls, the father was extremely co-operative and “furnished the information requested without hesitation.” Stafford managed to gather considerable information about the man’s family and did not appear to have any misgivings about the deceptive nature of his interview.30 As if department officials did not have their hands full enough worrying about the millionth immigrant, in early April Immigration Deputy Minister Laval Fortier informed Smith that he had received word of the imminent arrival of the 1 00,000th Dutch immigrant. Fortier did not want a large ceremony, but thought the event important enough to inform Smith that both the minister and himself would “arrange to be present at the dockside” when the 100,000th arrived.3′
All the while that these events were taking place, Smith was forwarding the application forms and recommendations sent by the district officers to Reid, who wrote lengthy replies with his impressions of several potential immigrants. One candidate, although eminently suitable himself, was rejected because his family was “far from being typical immigrants” (the father was a clergyman). Another was rejected due to his relatively “low level of education.” Another was dismissed because his father planned to take up farming in Canada, a notoriously unpredictable occupation. Yet another candidate, who was scheduled to arrive one week after the ceremony commemorating the 100,000th Dutch immigrant, was rejected because to have the celebrations so close together would have been “anti-climatic.” All in all, Reid was “far from satisfied with the candidates suggested by the London office,” and he recommended “that a very strongly worded letter go forward to Mr Cumming immediately asking him to make an immediate analysis of OS8’s of persons sailing on either the Franconia on May 6 or the Georgic on April 24, and that we give him a little more freedom of choice.” The matter was so urgent that Reid recommended that the criteria be widened so as to include “anyone in the younger age bracket either male or female.” The message was dutifully relayed to the London office.32
Reid was being extraordinarily careful, but a decision had to be made and made soon. On 12 April he recommended to Smith that a 16-year-old boy from England be selected as the millionth immigrant. A Central District Immigration officer investigated the boy’s older sister and brother-in-law, with whom the boy was to live, and found them representative of the “better than average type” working-class family, “clean in appearance, well spoken, friendly and co-operative.” Based on this assessment, Reid recommended that this boy be chosen as the millionth, provided that the London office did not come up with anyone better.33 It appears that this individual was seriously considered, because a speech for the minister to deliver at the ceremony was drafted by the Editorial and Information Division that made specific reference to him.34 Still searching for the ideal candidate, though, London and other United Kingdom offices continued to send names of potential individuals,35 and the District offices continued to carry out investigations.36
If anything, the number of potential candidates made matters more complicated for Reid, who informed the deputy minister on 21 April that no final selection had been made yet, but that the field had been narrowed down to three.37 In fact, by late April officials in Ottawa were becoming so desperate for an ideal candidate that they entertained the idea of having a young Danish woman as the millionth immigrant.3
By early May the millionth immigrant still had not been chosen, despite the influx of potential candidates and numerous discreet inquiries.39 Reid reported to Fortier that of the 35 possible candidates that had been proposed most recently, all but eight had been discarded. These remaining candidates included two British women, one of whom was of “striking appearance and very photogenic” and the other, four and a half months pregnant, who “although not beautiful,” was “reasonably attractive.” Despite this, Reid, for unknown reasons, dismissed everyone on the short list as “not very hopeful.” Undaunted, he asked for any instructions Fortier might have to remedy the situation.4
What transpired over the next few days is not recorded in the files, but on 10 May Cumming received a telegram from Smith consisting of four words: “Millionth Immigrant Welcome Cancelled.” The only subsequent reference to the planned commemoration in the archival files is a newspaper clipping in which Conservative Member of Parliament (MP) George Hees theorised that the planned celebrations – during which the millionth immigrant was to be given a house, it was alleged – had been called off because it was learned that he/she was coming to Canada at the recommendation of another immigrant who had made use of the air immigration scheme instituted by George Drew while he was premier of Ontario: “(R)ather than remind people that [Drew] by his imaginative scheme had brought a great many first class citizens to Canada, the Government apparently decided not to recognize the millionth arrival.””‘ Aside from one question posed in the House of Commons by W.M. Hamilton, a Progressive Conservative MP, not much more was made of the scheme by the opposition. In his question, Hamilton asked the minister if the millionth immigrant had arrived and, if so, who she or he was. Harris replied that the millionth had already arrived, “but no one seems to know who he or she might be.” He also noted that the government had considered recognising the one millionth immigrant, but “we felt that this was a continuing policy and that it would perhaps not do any particular good if we recognised one more than another. We feel that they are all good, all desirable and all welcome.”” It appears that interest in learning what actually happened quickly subsided, and the incident was forgotten.
The following year Reid oversaw a number of promotional projects aimed at attracting immigrants to Canada,43 but it appears that events designed to inform and educate Canadians of the benefits of immigration were not in the department’s plans for 1955.4 In fact, over the next few years Immigration officials responsible for publicity and promotion apparently concentrated their efforts overseas in an attempt to encourage immigration to Canada.”5 The only reference to building support for immigration at home is a suggestion from the deputy chief of Operations that Canada might follow the Australian example and establish a “good neighbour movement,” making use of existing Citizenship Councils as a starting point.46
What happened? Had Reid become so terrified at the prospect of having the scheme discovered that he intentionally sabotaged the project? Had he set standards that were simply too high for mere mortals to attain? Had he wanted the plan to fail for moralistic reasons? Had the whole plan been unworkable? Answers to these questions probably never will be known. What is clear, however, is that immigration officials did not learn any lessons about the hazards of planning milestone commemorations. The early 1960s witnessed a resurgence of such events, and the projects that were undertaken bear the hallmarks of the less-thanprincipled behaviour of officials in the early 1950s.
In late 1960 the officer-in-charge in Copenhagen received a telegram from the department’s Information Branch that stated that the minister was anxious that the “two millionth immigrant scheduled to arrive [in] Canada [the] first fortnight [in] December be (a) Danish boy or girl thirteen to seventeen.” Why the minister wished to have a Danish person as the two millionth is a mystery – there is no explanation in the files, nor does it appear that Canada needed to curry Denmark’s favour in any way. This time, however, it seems that there was not to be any lengthy deliberations as to whom the candidate should be. The next day Copenhagen informed Ottawa that the David Toft family would be arriving on 5 December, and that a photograph and details of the family would be sent over shortly.47 During the course of the next few days, officials in Copenhagen and Ottawa exchanged missives concerning members of the Toft family, with Ottawa wishing to learn as much as possible, for use in publicity material, about their background, hobbies and interests. Ottawa had no preference as to whether the son or the daughter was selected as the two millionth immigrant, but preferred the daughter if she was “photogenic and articulate.”48 With the ideal candidate chosen, Georges Benoit, now the director of Immigration, reminded the deputy minister that the arrival of the two millionth immigrant “would be underscored lightly.” The minister or the prime minister might wish to send a telegram of congratulations, Benoit might meet the family at Quebec and a number of “promotional gimmicks” might be employed, but Benoit thought that it was better to “be accused of under-playing than the opposite.” That said, Benoit took the liberty of informing his contact at the National Film Board of Canada of the event.49
It appears that Immigration officials were a bit more honest about the two millionth immigrant than they had been about the one millionth, but not by much. Benoit informed the Office of the Premier of Quebec that Annette Toft would be, statistically, the two millionth, and on 25 November he told the editor of a Danishlanguage newspaper that the two millionth immigrant had already been selected. Even so, from the evidence it appears that Canadians were to believe that the decision was a random one.5
The event was a success. Eastern District Superintendent, McFaul officially welcomed the family and read a telegram from the minister (another deception the telegram had been written days earlier and had been “put on the CN Telegraphs printer in telegram form”). A number of federal and provincial officials, as well as representatives from private organizations bestowed gifts and good wishes upon the Tofts, and the event was covered by CBC Radio and Television and by some daily newspapers. According to department officials, the Toft family members were “uncontroversial” but “charming,” thus making the event a public relations coup for the department.”
Further public relations efforts directed at Canadians were sporadic, as the department continued to direct most of its time and resources on attracting immigrants to Canada.52 Departmental files make only one more reference to a milestone commemoration, this time to mark the arrival of the lOO,000th immigrant of 1965. The person, again pre-selected, was, surprisingly enough, a young, photogenic Scottish woman.53
Why the fuss? Why did Canadian Immigration officials make such elaborate plans and resort to such deception to ensure that the millionth immigrant was of the “right” sort? To attempt to answer the question requires some speculation, as government files on the subject are sketchy regarding motives.
First, it must be allowed that there were certain segments of Canadian society that might have protested the commemoration of anything related to immigration or immigrants. Certainly, nativistic and racist groups would have been outraged if a member of an “undesirable” group was honoured. Yet one wonders how much impact such protestations would have had, especially in light of how relatively little media coverage and publicity these events actually received.5″ Moreover, even if Immigration officials had been honest and randomly selected the millionth immigrant, there was a more than better chance that he or she would have been British, given the number of immigrants from Britain arriving in Canada at that time as compared to immigrants from other countries.55 Evidently, in their minds that risk was not worth taking.
The problem, arguably, was that Immigration officials had a vision of how the department should be perceived, and their decisions were made and actions taken within this context. Of course, the “real” context was one in which many immigrants experienced a wide range of problems after arriving in Canada, and in which, increasingly, immigrants were non-British. But Immigration officials virtually ignored these facts. They wanted to be perceived as bringing only the best and the brightest prospects to Canada, and they wanted to be associated, primarily, with British immigrants. The distortions and outright lies they resorted to, and the amount of energy and resources they expended, for something as relatively innocuous as a milestone commemoration reveal how deeply these views were held.
In addition, what the foregoing suggests is that Immigration officials misread Canadians’ perceptions about immigration, or were condescending in their attitudes with respect to what immigrants Canadians would “accept.” Their efforts to educate Canadians on the need and desirability of accepting immigrants, while commendable, were tainted by their biases and actions. In fact, their efforts may have done more harm than good. By focussing on white, Western European iigrants (particularly British), there was no attempt to inform Canadians of the benefits of accepting immigrants from other parts of the world.Ss Arguably, their attitudes and decisions at that time were to have profound and often negative effects on attitudes towards “non-traditional” immigrants in the ensuing years.
Copyright Trent University Fall 1998
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