The country club: how an elite group of corporations, unions and super-rich individuals is financing the political parties, shaping the political agenda and reaping great rewards with huge soft money contributions

The country club: how an elite group of corporations, unions and super-rich individuals is financing the political parties, shaping the political agenda and reaping great rewards with huge soft money contributions – Cover Story

Vicki Kemper

How an elite group of corporations, unions and super-rich individuals is financing the political parties, shaping the political agenda and reaping great rewards with huge soft money contributions.

Swanee Hunt is a member. So are Daniel Abraham, the Slim*Fast man, and Darrell Issa, whose scary voice warns unwitting passersby that they’ve committed a “perimeter violation” of cars outfitted with the Viper alarm system. Chiquita banana man Carl Lindner is a charter member, as is soybean magnate Dwayne Andreas. There’s even a former U.S. citizen on the roster, an 84-year-old tuna king who went to England to avoid the IRS, along with a couple of Cuban-exile brothers who own and run a huge chunk of southern Florida but have never become U.S. citizens. Why bother voting when you can simply buy your way into the political system?

In a roundabout way, Mickey Mouse is also a member, as is Joe Camel. Steven “E.T.” Spielberg and Barbra “Like Butter” Streisand add a touch of glitter and glamour to the ranks, but most of the members are all business. Big business, small business, bigger-than-many-countries businesses. Throw in some labor bosses, an the tobacco titans, a couple of former soap salesmen, lots of money mavens, plenty of oil tycoons, land and liquor types, some high-powered media moguls, the telephone people, the drug lords, a few gamblers, health providers and a layer of lawyers, and the member profile of the national country club begins to come into focus.

The one thing all members of the country club have in common is a history of signing very large checks made payable to the Republican and Democratic parties. They also share a remarkably uncommon level of access to and influence with the country’s top elected officials, and have been known to frequent White House dinners and win special favors from practically every outpost of the federal government. Several of them, including oil heiress Hunt, now go by the tide “ambassador” or “Cabinet secretary.”

The term “country club” is not a new one in political discourse. Republicans have long been referred to as the country club set, and more recent references to country club Republicans have sought to distinguish the blue-blooded establishment typess from Pat Buchanan’s blue-collared rabble-rousers. But thanks to the influence of increasingly huge and widely used unregulated soft money” contributions to the political parties, a new country club has taken root: a club of wealthy, high-powered donors who help set the political agenda, impact the outcomes and, in many ways, run the country.

From January 1991, when federal election law first required the disclosure of their contributions, through 1995, country club members poured more than $229 million into the Republican and Democratic parties; more than half of that five-year total was contributed in the past two years alone. And the cumulative total of soft money contributions from 1988 is at least $292 million. But donors have reaped billions of dollars’ worth of government subsidies, business deals, tax provisions and regulatory reforms.

The members of this ever-growing group of big political donors come from virtually every segment of the nation’s economy: Their products fill our pantries, medicine cabinets and gas tanks; they hold and invest our money. They control the health care system, rule Wall Street, dominate the entertainment industry, run the television and cable networks and virtually all the long-distance companies, operate the gambling casinos, clog the courts, do our accounting, build our cars, fly our airlines, provide us with everything from greeting cards to liquor, own the stores where we shop, the restaurants where we dine and the professional sports teams we cheer on. They often pollute the air we breathe and the water we drink. They even hire us and lay us off.

And they are just as ubiquitous in the political system. Whether the issue is tobacco regulation, trade, the minimum wage, energy policy, education, agriculture subsidies, telecommunications law, taxes, environmental controls, health care reform, antitrust rules, drug approval, legal reform or workplace safety, club members make their voices heard. Contributors say they give hundreds of thousands–sometimes millions–of dollars as a form of political insurance, to make sure they’re in the room and at the table when agendas are set, issues are discussed, bills are written, votes are cast, appointments are made and compromises are hammered out.

Many club members are also buying party insurance, making large contributions to both political parties to guarantee access, influence and agenda-setting power no matter who’s in the White House or which party controls Congress. There are 254 of these “double donors”; five of them merit membership in the exclusive $2 million club. Philip Morris Co. Inc., Archer Daniels Midland Co. (ADM), RJR Nabisco Inc., American Financial Corp. and Atlantic Richfield Co. (ARCO), along with their executives and subsidiaries, have each contributed a total of more than $2 million in soft money since January 1991.

Another five contributors–Joseph E. Seagram Sons Inc., the National Education Association, U.S. Tobacco Co., Chevron Corp. and Merrill Lynch & Co. Inc.–make the millionaires’ circle, having contributed more than $1 million in soft money from January 1991 through 1995.

Amway Corp. is in a league of its own, having contributed $2.5 million to the Republicans on a single day shortly before the 1994 midterm elections. The company gave the GOP another $60,000 in 1995, and contributions from Amway executives bring the company’s total contributions to more than $2.8 million, making it the country’s No. 1 soft money contributor.

Other leading categories of contributors of $20,000 or more in soft money from January 1991 include financial interests, with $29.5 million in contributions; manufacturers, $20 million; oil, gas and energy interests, $15 million; miscellaneous businesses, $11.3 million; labor unions, $11.1 million; food and agriculture, $10.6 million; and real estate interests, $9.8 million. Tobacco companies, telecommunications firms, lawyers, media conglomerates and financial interests have been among the largest contributors in the past year.

While more traditional clubs have various membership requirements and restrictions, anyone can join the country’s soft money club–as long as they have the cash. Among its members are the entire U.S. tobacco industry; four of the country’s “Big Six” accounting firms; most of Wall Street; the world’s biggest oil, natural gas and wine companies; owners of all four major television networks; the world’s two largest garbage haulers; the country’s largest soft-drink makers and greeting card sellers; the nation’s biggest owner of cable TV systems; the country’s largest agribusinesses and drug companies; and many of the country’s most popular retail outlets.

But many country club members have also run into trouble with the law. They’ve been investigated, sued for and convicted of everything from price-fixing and false advertising to marketing faulty products, violating labor and immigration laws, engaging in anticompetitive behavior, polluting and nonpayment of taxes. The country club’s roster also includes many of the nation’s unemployers; AT&T, Sears Roebuck & Co., Digital Equipment, GTE, Nynex, Delta Airlines and Chemical Banking/Chase Manhattan are just some of the corporations who’ve made huge political contributions while laying off tens of thousands of employees. And with every new round of corporate mergers and buyouts, the club’s roster has to be updated.

Club members are many things, but they are not us–not if we are the 99.97 percent of Americans who don’t make political contributions of more than $200. Yet more and more it is big-moneyed special interests who are calling the political shots, analysts say, and their interests are not always ours.

While the soft money club was created by the political parties in the 1980s as a way to circumvent election laws and raise huge sums of money that would boost party strength and help elect party candidates, an increasing number of contributors have come to view the soft money system as a means to their own ends. Now the interests on both sides of the system–party fundraisers on the one hand and contributors on the other–have figured out how to exploit the system and one another to their own advantage.

And while these corporate, labor union and individual donors are giving large sums of soft money to promote their own interests, the hundreds of millions of dollars in unregulated money they have poured into the political parties have also had a cumulative effect on the country’s political system, analysts say. Their huge contributions are fueling what some campaign finance experts call a political “arms race” and spending war that shows no signs of stopping.

Some observers believe the soft money spiral has corrupted the nation’s political system and put the government up for sale. They say the soft money race is fueling a trend toward larger party roles in federal campaigns, blurring the policy differences between the two major parties and, perhaps, generating the growing interest in alternative political parties.

“The Price You Pay For Democracy”

When it comes to political contributions, there are several different kinds. Individuals and political action committees (PACs) can give campaign money to congressional and presidential candidates and PACs. Federal election law limits individual contributions to $1,000 per candidate per election; PAC contributions are capped at $5,000 per candidate per election. To distinguish these contributions from soft money donations, they’re sometimes referred to as hard money.

Corporations have been barred from making federal campaign contributions since 1904, and in the 1940s Congress extended the ban to labor unions. But the law does allow businesses and unions to make campaign contributions through their PACs, which raise relatively small amounts of money from individual company employees and union members and then give candidates as much as $5,000 per election.

Soft money flies in the face of all contribution restrictions; most of it comes from corporations and unions, and the amounts are unlimited. Because soft money contradicts the spirit, if not the letter, of the law, many contributors don’t like to talk about it and try to blur the hard money-soft money distinctions.

Soft money “is sort of an amorphous term any way,” Democratic contributor Michael Caddell says in a typically dismissive comment. “All money is hard when it comes out of your pocket. It’s hard to give it away.”

That may be, but soft money usually comes in much, much larger amounts than hard money, and the parties are prohibited from using it to campaign directly for their presidential and congressional candidates. The money is supposed to be spent on “party-building” activities, which have come to include everything from rent and staff salaries to get-out-the-vote drives and multimillion-dollar television advertising campaigns that influence federal elections. Parties also channel soft money funds to their state organizations, particularly in states where a presidential race or U.S. Senate election is expected to be close. Soft money also frees up other party funds for use on presidential and congressional campaigns.

Critics charge that the soft money system is nothing more than political money laundering, an operation designed to bring illegal contributions into federal elections. While national party officials say they’re raising soft money to promote their party and all its candidates, many soft money donors are giving huge sums to one or both parties with the understanding that their contributions will win them access and influence in Washington. Soft money is raised by federal officials, including the president; donors say they give it to elect party candidates to Congress and the presidency; and the parties spend it in ways that affect federal elections.

More and more, big soft money contributions to the political parties are viewed by corporate executives as the basic club membership fee. And, as more companies want to join the club or feel a need to ante up to the political kitty simply to keep pace with their competitors, the price keeps going up.

“The whole [system] has become so dollar-driven,” says conservative political analyst Kevin Phillips, “that outfits that haven’t participated” in the soft money game before now can’t give their money away fast enough. “If you don’t pay, you don’t play,” he says.

But things could be worse, says Robert Buker, senior vice president of United States Sugar Corp., an agribusiness that gives generously to both parties. “You could have absolutely no political problems in a dictatorship,” he says.

“It’s the price you pay for democracy,” Buker says of big political contributions, reflecting at once a prevailing attitude among contributors about the role of corporate cash in the country’s political system and an increasingly common equation of democracy with free-market enterprise. It’s as if Adam Smith’s proverbial invisible hand now holds a fistful of campaign cash. Buker and many business and union contributors view the multimillion-dollar, bipartisan soft money system as little more than the cost of doing business in a free but regulated marketplace, a price they’re happy to pay as long as the system serves them well. “We don’t make the rules,” says John Sturdivant, president of the American Federation of Government Employees, “we have just learned to use the rules in ways that benefit the people who pay the dues.”

But political analyst Phillips looks at the effect of both that attitude and large sums of corporate and labor money on how government operates and sees a huge, fundamental problem. Big money so permeates the political system that “it’s corrupt,” Phillips says. The government itself has become a marketplace. “It’s buy a law, buy a regulation, buy an amendment,” he says.

And in the political marketplace, like any other, you get what you pay for, according to Buker. “I’m not going to be able to see a member [of Congress], generally, unless there is a way to get in. It generally takes contributions,” he says, adding that bigger contributions buy better access. Buker should know; since January 1991 his company has contributed $199,050 to the Democratic Party and $3 1,000 to the Republicans.

“Let’s be realistic,” says Sturdivant, whose union has given the Democrats $121,074 in soft money since January 1991. “The more contributions you make, the more rooms you get into.”

What a $1,500 contribution gets a donor is “not much,” according to Buker. “You might get invited to a dinner … with 10,000 other people at it for that kind of money,” he says, adding that “$1,500 may buy you `face time,’ so that you can call up a member of the House of Representatives…. The money may allow you to have good access at some levels.”

A $50,000 contribution is something else again. “The way you get treated [for that kind of money],” Buker says, “is that if you have a hot issue you can pick up the phone and call the fundraiser and say, ‘I need to talk to whoever in the party is making the decision on these issues because I want to give him my point of view.’ And you’d get to whoever will make the decision, and you can talk to them and sometimes you’ll win and sometimes you’ll lose,” he adds.

But Buker’s not complaining. This company, a beneficiary of a huge government handout program that leaves U.S. consumers paying twice the world price for sugar, wins more often than not.

According to party officials, however, Buker and other big donors are confused about the impact of their contributions. “Maybe they feel they’re in a special position,” says Democratic

National Committee (DNC) spokesperson Amy Weiss Tobe, “but the truth is that they are not getting access…. No one’s getting any special access because they’re giving money to the DNC.”

Republican National Committee (RNC) spokesperson Mary Crawford says her party’s soft money donors are invited to meetings–in groups of 200 donors or so–two to four times a year. The private meetings feature “a variety of people” and focus on current policy issues, she says. Told that soft money contributors say their donations buy them access to party and elected officials, Crawford says, “You’re welcome to draw whatever conclusions you want. I’m not going to engage in conjecture.”

But one big Democratic soft money contributor, a wealthy individual who prefers to remain anonymous, says large contributions are a prerequisite for political influence. “Every [corporate] board I have ever sat on,” he says, requires that “you recuse yourself when an issue comes up where you have a vested financial self-interest. The amazing thing about the way business is done in Washington,” he says, “is not only do you not recuse yourself, but You’d better get your ass up there and pay everyone you possibly can.

“It’s unbelievable, it’s incredibly unethical, and it’s mind boggling,” he continues, “and it makes me really angry.” And, he adds in the next breath, “I am going to continue to give money.”

Why? “You have to be part of the process,” he says. “You have to work inside and outside. If you truly want to be effective as a businessperson you cannot avoid any possible option.”

“Permanent Interests,” Double Givers

For businesses, labor unions, trade groups and others who either have business dealings with the government or whose business dealings are affected by government laws, regulations or broad policies, soft money represents another opportunity to set the agenda and influence the process. Special interest groups like the soft money system precisely because soft money contributions are unregulated and unlimited.

Federal limits on campaign contributions to candidates are the same for all individuals and all PACs. But when it comes to making unregulated contributions to the political parties, the sky’s the limit. Huge corporations and wealthy individuals can contribute as much as they want, which is usually far more than smaller companies–not to mention the average voter–can kick in.

“In the 1994 campaign I `maxed out’ to several” congressional candidates, says a Republican soft money donor, “and I thought that was crazy…. Ultimately, giving to the party was the only way to add dollars to the effort to get those people elected.” Like many others, this soft money donor, southern California business owner Darrell Issa, gives his money to promote the election of particular federal candidates–even though soft money contributions go into “non-federal” accounts and are not supposed to be used to aid the election of congressional or presidential candidates.

Other soft money contributions follow the issues of the day. The tobacco industry, for example, has responded to Clinton administration proposals to increase the federal tax on cigarettes and strengthen federal regulation of tobacco products with record-setting contributions to the Republicans. Led by Philip Morris and RJR Nabisco, tobacco interests contributed more than $2.3 million in soft money to the GOP last year, more than four times the amount they gave the party in 1993, and $423,962 to the Democrats, more than double their 1993 contributions.

Those recent contributions put several tobacco companies at or near the top of the list of all soft money contributors for the 1991-95 period. Philip Morris, which has given the parties more than $2.7 million in soft money during that time, is the No. I “double donor” and ranks second, just

behind Amway, among all soft money contributors. RJR Nabisco, which has contributed more than $2.2 million in soft money, and U.S. Tobacco Co. (UST), with more than $1 million in party contributions, rank third and seventh, respectively, among double donors.

Long distance and local telephone companies have also substantially upped their soft money giving during key legislative battles. Facing the first major overhaul of telecommunications legislation since 1934, they gave the parties more than $1.4 million in soft money in the last six months of 1995. Long distance giants AT&T, MCI and Sprint gave the parties 4.5 times as much soft money from July through December as they had during the same period in 1994, while the seven Baby Bells increased their soft money contributions by 2.5 times.

The Baby Bells gave Republicans twice as much as Democrats all through 1995, while the long distance carriers made timely contributions to both parties during final negotiations over the legislation. In mid-october, a week before House and Senate conferees began meeting to iron out their differences, MCI gave the Democrats $100,000. On December 21, one day after the,’ conferees reached an agreement that included Clinton administration-supported provisions favorable to the long distance companies, AT&T gave the DNC $190,000.

But the House and Senate still had to approve the compromise version, and a week later, after House Republicans had declared the bill “dead as Elvis,” AT&T gave the RNC $200,000 in soft money. A day later MCI gave the Democrats another $100,000, along with $20,000 to the GOP.

On February 1, Congress gave final approval to the legislation, which deregulates roughly one-sixth of the nation’s economy by removing competitive barriers among local and long distance telephone companies, cable television and broadcasters. President Clinton signed it into law on February 8, and since then the economy has seen a rash of telecommunications mergers.

Was it the holiday spirit or a sudden surge of patriotism that prompted AT&T to make $390,000 in soft money contributions during an eight-day period that included Christmas, or might Ma Bell officials have been hoping to influence congressional conferees with their generosity? Asked to comment, AT&T officials issued the following statement:

AT&T believes that soft money contributions support the two-party system. The contributions go to state part7y organizations, and that’s a good way to strengthen parties on a state-by-state basis. We also believe that such contributions support strong central parties and, in turn, support democracy.” Other recent issue-related soft money surges include contributions from lawyers battling tort reform; increased giving from health care providers, insurance companies, drug makers and alcohol distributors who support or oppose various aspects of health care reform and proposed changes to Medicare and Medicaid; and labor contributions made in opposition to the NAFTA trade agreement or general Republican policies.

Money also follows money. The National Association of Retail Druggists (NARD), for example, had been making hard money contributions through its PAC for almost 15 years before it joined the soft money club. Since January 1991 it has given $52,949 in soft money to the Democrats. What fueled NARD’s entry into the soft money arena? “It put us in play where our opponents were,” says John Rector, senior vice president and general counsel of the association.

For a variety of reasons, wealthy special interests are exploiting the soft money loophole like never before. The level of soft money fundraising and giving exploded in 1994, a midterm election year, when the $56.9 million raised almost matched the record-setting total for the presidential election year of 1992. Soft money totals for last year, a non-election year–when all types of political contributions usually decline dramatically–increased by 4 percent to almost $59.4 million. And that was more than double the amount raised in 1993, the previous non-election year.

But it’s more than soft money grand totals that are on the increase. More corporations, unions and individuals are giving soft money, and–in what is perhaps the most significant development of all–more of them are making large contributions to not just one, but both political parties.

“The world has changed, and we must too,” says Melinda Anderson, spokesperson for the National Education Association (NEA), explaining why the nation’s largest teachers’ union–and No. 1 soft money contributor to the Democratic Party since 1991–has started giving soft money to the GOP. “We will continue to contribute on the Democratic side of the aisle,” she says, but “this year we have reached out significantly to the Republican side.” Earlier this year the union bought tables at fundraising dinners for the Republican Senatorial Campaign Committee and the Republican governors association, she says.

“In American politics, one side or the other is never permanently on top,” says U.S. Sugar’s Buker. “You just see the Congress changing hands; you see the White House changing hands. If you become an enemy of one side or another, you’ll find out that you don’t have very good access when they come in power,” he adds.

“There are no permanent friends, no permanent enemies. There are just permanent interests,” explains the government employees union’s Sturdivant.

An analysis of records filed with the Federal Election Commission (FEC) confirms the observation: Both the Republican and Democratic parties are now largely corporation-funded and, to a great extent, by the same corporations. Some 254 soft money contributors have given at least $20,000 to both parties since January 1991, and 132 of those donors have contributed at least $50,000 to both parties. Fifty-nine double donors have given each party at least $100,000. Andreas’s Archer Daniels Midland Co., oil Conglomerate ARCO, Lindner’s American Financial Corp. empire, and alcohol giant Joseph E. Seagram & Sons Inc. make each part-y’s list of top 10 soft money givers.

This suggests that, more than ever before, soft money contributions are given to gain access and influence and set the political agenda. And as the number of donors making huge contributions to both political parties increases, some analysts believe the policy differences between the parties have begun to decrease.

“The two parties have become much more similar in their basic policy approaches because they both have similar [financial] bases now,” says Tony Corrado, a professor of government at Colby College who’s writing a book on how the parties get and spend their money. “There is an increasingly narrow gap between the two parties when you put all the issues on the table.

“Sure, more labor money goes to Democrats,” he continues, “but there aren’t that many differences in the types of big donors to each party. It’s not like one is the corporate party and one is the individual parry.”

Look For the Union Label

While soft money contributions from corporations and business interests outweigh labor union contributions by roughly 12-to-1, labor money continues to stand out for the role it plays in the Democratic Party. Roughly 99 percent of labor’s soft money goes to the Democrats, and two of the top four and four of the top 10 Democratic soft money contributors are unions. Yet when it comes to total dollar amounts contributed to the Democrats, business interests still outspend unions by an 8-to-1 ratio.

“For decades the Democratic Party was our vehicle for moving our agenda,” says the NEA’s Anderson. And although 1.1 million NEA dollars made the union the Democrats’ top soft money contributor from 1991-95, Anderson says the NEA’s membership has decided to be more bipartisan.

“Our members have said over and over that they want us to be less partisan and more issue-driven,” she says, adding that that means looking for Republican congressmembers who share the union’s views as well as making political contributions to Republican Party committees. This summer the NEA will also attempt, for the first time, to participate in the platform debate at the Republicans’ national convention, she adds.

But the AFL-CIO has already endorsed President Clinton’s reelection bid, and most other unions and labor dollars will stay with the Democrats. And the union’s announcement that it plans to raise and spend $35 million on a largely anti-republican advertising campaign and grassroots organizing effort has Republican leaders and think-tank allies plotting retaliatory measures.

This is not about whether labor is going to be a mainstay of the Democratic Party,” says John Sturdivant of the American Federation of Government Employees (AFGE), “this is about what kind of country we are going to have. There are fundamental differences between this president and this Congress.”

On the NAFTA trade agreement and health care reform, however, the unions suffered major defeats at the hands of both the president and the formerly Democratic Congress. But the unions do have the support of Clinton and many Democratic congr-essmembers in their efforts to raise the minimum wage, minimize planned cuts in Medicare spending, and block corporate and Republican efforts to weaken workplace safety laws.

And in revising the Hatch Act early in his term, Clinton effectively opened the door to even larger labor PAC contributions. A key revision allows federal and postal employee unions to set up payroll deduction plans to collect members’ PAC contributions.

If anything, unions seem to have become more pragmatic about their political giving, which is in part a reaction to the feeling among many labor leaders that Democrats have taken their support for granted. William Luddy, political director of the United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners, which has given $146,575 to the Democratic Party since early 1991, says his union is reassessing how it makes political contributions, and to whom.

“This is a tough business,” says AFGE’s Sturdivant. “In this business the only reason why people deal with you is if they think you can help them or they think you can hurt them.”

Sturdivant, whose union has about 210,000 dues-paying members, says Democratic leaders looking for contributions got the cold shoulder from AFGE after President Clinton proposed a pay freeze for government workers early in his term. “We told them they were going to get the minimum level, and the only reason they were going to get the minimum level was because it got us in the room to give them hell,” he says, adding, and I got my money’s worth.”

Dan Lucas, political director of the Service Employees International Union (SEIU), says he has talked about union concerns with Clinton White House and Cabinet officials on several occasions. Officials at SEIU, which has given the Democrats $644,675 in soft money since January 1991, “have never had a problem meeting with anyone we wanted to meet with,” Lucas says.

Vincent Panvini, director of government affairs for the Sheet Metal Workers Association, which gave the Democrats $432,000 during the period, says “there are a lot more open doors [in the Clinton administration] than you had during Reagan and Bush.”

But even as labor unions increase their political activity and enjoy broad access to Clinton administration officials, some observers believe the federal government continues to adopt more pro-business policies. In addition to the $100 billion in subsidies, tax breaks, loans and promotion–soften called corporate welfare–the government doles out to business every year, the Clinton administration provided high-profile support for the NAFTA and GATT trade agreements and has served as a marketing agent for huge multinational corporations, many of them soft money donors, on taxpayer-financed global “trade missions” that have resulted in more than $20 billion in private business deals. The Clinton Whitte House has also invited CEOs and business representatives, many of them soft money donors, to participate in its discussions and formulations of public policy.

Take, for example, the president’s Council on Sustainable Development. Created by Clinton in 1993, the 24-person panel was charged with formulating a plan that would promote economic growth while protecting natural resources. Clinton appointed the members, four of whom are administration officials. Of the remaining 20, nine are top executives of leading corporations-including Enron Corp., the world’s largest natural gas company; General Motors Corp., the nation’s biggest car manufacturer; Chevron Corp., a huge oil company; and Georgia-pacific Corp., a top logging company. Also on the council is a top official of the AFL-CIO, the country’s largest union.

The council is co-chaired by a vice president of Dow Chemical Co., one of the country’s largest producers of dioxins. The union and all of the nine corporations or their representatives–or both–have made large soft money contributions to the political parties; six of the nine have contributed to both parties.

First, Kill the Anti-lawyer Bills

Trial lawyers and law firms are another group of large soft money donors that has fared well under the Clinton administration. President Clinton has sided with the lawyers on all their key issues–opposition to reforms of securities, product liability and malpractice laws–even though that has meant vetoing two popular bills and incurring the wrath of some top congressional Democrats.

It’s no secret that trial lawyers have long favored Democrats. In his acceptance speech at the Republican National Convention in 1992, then-president Bush snarled that Bill Clinton was backed “by every trial lawyer who ever wore a tasseled loafer,” and, for all its hyperbole, the statement was almost accurate. As a group, lawyers were the single biggest contributor to Clinton’s ’92 campaign, giving almost $3 million in hard dollars. And lawyers are right on track to give as much or more to his reelection bid; in the first nine months of ’95 they contributed $2.5 million to the Clinton-gore campaign, according to the Center for Responsive Politics.

Lawyers are also a mainstay in Democratic Party fundraising circles. Since 1991 attorneys and law firms have given the Democrats more than $7 million in soft money. So when Clinton vetoed legal reform bills, many observers said he had caved in to high-powered, big-giving trial lawyers.

Last December Clinton vetoed a bill that supporters said would have protected corporations from many investor lawsuits. Among the bill’s strongest backers were many Silicon Valley hightech computer firms, whose executives had provided critical business support to Clinton’s ’92 campaign. Securities fraud lawsuits have become, such a problem for these firms that they reportedly spent more than $12 million on advertising campaigns to support three legal reform initiatives on California’s March primary ballot. But they lost to the trial lawyers there as well.

White House aides said Clinton largely favored the securities lawsuit bill and agonized over it before he finally vetoed it for two specific provisions. But the bill’s supporters credited the political pull of San Diego trial lawyer William Lerach for the presidential quash. An aide to Rep. Thomas Bliley (R-Va.) told the Washington Post. that Clinton’s veto was “a payoff to a major fatcat trial lawyer,” meaning Lerach.

But Lerach told the Post he hadn’t spoken to the president about the legislation, saying his. views on the matter are so well known that he didn’t need to. Indeed, in corporate investment circles Lerach is known as the “king” of share holder suits, and in Democratic fundraising circles he’s known for his deep pockets. A contributor of $382,500 in soft money to Democratic committees since 1991, Lerach is no stranger to the White House, either. In 1994 he attended a state dinner for the president of Ukraine, and last December, just a few days before Clinton vetoed the securities lawsuits bill, Lerach attended a White House event for Democratic fundraisers. Melvyn Weiss, one of Lerach’s law firm partners, has contributed $190,000 to the Democrats; Lerach’s firm ranks 11th on the list of top Democratic soft money givers. Lerach did not respond to interview requests.

Lee Godfrey, a Houston-based titan of securities lawsuits, has given the Democrats $72,300 in soft money and raised thousands more. Last December, when it was time for the president to file for reelection in Texas, it was Godfrey who submitted the paperwork.

Clinton’s veto of the securities fraud bill also put him at odds with some members of his own party, who joined with Republicans in both houses to override the veto. And by March some Democrats had joined the chorus of complaints about the political influence of trial lawyers. Sen. Jay Rockefeller (D-W.VA.). said the president’s intention to veto a bill designed to limit lawsuits over faulty products was motivated by “special interests and raw political considerations.”

In fact, the nation’s top product liability and class action lawyers are also big Democratic donors. On February 29, three weeks before the Senate passed the product liability reform bill, the Association of Trial Lawyers of America (ATLA) gave the Democrats $100,000, according to the Associated Press. That’s on top of the $166,000 ATLA gave the Democrats from 1991-95. Clinton vetoed the bill May 2. And the Cincinnati law firm of Stanley Chesley, considered the “godfather” of class actions on everything from Agent Orange and asbestos exposure to breast implants and defective heart valves, has contributed $307,000 to the Democrats since 1991–a small investment for a firm that’s been known to win more than $10 million for a single case.

So legendary is the power of the trial lawyers on the issue that even though product liability reform legislation has been around for some 13 years, this was the first bill to make it through Congress and to a president’s desk–despite the lobbying, financial and political support of a whole array of corporate, insurance and business interests who’ve given tens of millions of soft money dollars to both parties. “This is not David versus Goliath,” said Sen. Joseph Lieberman (D-Conn.) a key tort reform supporter. “This is two Goliaths battling each other.”

But to Senate Majority Leader and presumptive Republican presidential nominee Bob Dole, the villain was clear. “If money talks,” he said, “this money screams.”

How Sweet It @is

Dole should know, say some observers, who accuse him of being a good money listener. In the Washington world of code-speak, where the most important message delivered in a public speech often fails to make the headlines, Dole’s statement at a March 21 press conference was a classic wink-and-nod performance.

The story about the $47 billion farm bill in the next day’s Washington Post mentioned a Florida Everglades cleanup provision as “a high-profile item for Republicans eager to demonstrate the GOP’s friendliness to the environment,” and quoted Dole’s description of the measure as “an indication that we’re serious about this.” Another reporter noted Dole’s not-so-subtle jab at the Clinton administration’s approach to the problem, in which Dole remarked that his party could clean up the environment without raising taxes.

Few listeners caught the true meaning of Dole’s remarks, which were tailor-made, as was the provision, for his supporters in the south Florida sugar industry. The $200 million Everglades restoration plan, which also authorizes the expenditure of another $100 million to be gained from selling or swapping federal land, spares the sugar growers–whose fertilizer–rich runoff has wreaked havoc in the unique ecosystem@f additional financial responsibility for the cleanup. Instead it spreads the cost among all U.S. taxpayers, most of whom have never seen the Everglades.

Dole, House Speaker Newt Gingrich, Florida Sens. Connie Mack (R) and Bob Graham (D) and Rep. Mark Foley (R-Fla.) were particularly pleased with the resolution of the Everglades issue because they had essentially pulled victory from the jaws of defeat for the sugar growers. Some of the region’s most powerful sugar producers are also key supporters of the Republican Party and Dole’s presidential campaign.

From all previous indications, this was going to be the year in which the highly subsidized sugar industry was forced to take its lumps. A powerful senator, the White House and a broad-based Florida environmental coalition bankrolled by a New York multimillionaire were all calling for a special assessment on sugar growers to finance an effort to restore some ecological balance to the Everglades marshlands. A public opinion poll showed that two-thirds of Florida residents supported the idea.

Sen. Richard Lugar (R-Ind.), who had been trying to eliminate what he calls the sugar industry’s “federally guaranteed monopoly profit” for almost 20 years, was now chair of the Senate Agriculture Committee. According to the U.S. General Accounting Office (GAO), federal sugar price supports cost Americans $1.4 billion a year in higher sugar, candy, food and soft drink prices–or a price fully double the going rate on the world market. Government trade policies inflate U.S. sugar prices by controlling sugar imports; the industry also benefits from federally subsidized water projects.

Lugar introduced legislation calling for a two cents-per-pound assessment on all sugar cane produced in the Everglades area, a levy he estimated would generate $350 million over five years, to buy sugar land in the region and take it out of production. In fact, Lugar’s proposed “assessment” would have simply reduced by two cents the 18 cents-a-pound subsidy south Florida sugar growers receive from the federal government. “As the longtime beneficiary of a severely misguided big-government program,” Lugar said, “the Florida sugar industry has contributed to the problem and must take primary responsibility for solving it.”

In February Vice President Al Gore traveled to south Florida to announce a $1.5 billion Everglades restoration program, which would have been funded in part by a penny-a-pound sugar “assessment.”

“But Dole was on the opposite side of the issue,” along with Mack and Graham, says Lugar spokesperson Andy Fisher. “They had the idea of taking money out of the general fund in the farm bill.” Sure enough, the Everglades provision showed up in the bill’s final version.

The sugar industry came out a double winner. The Dole-endorsed Everglades plan let growers off the hook, and the $47 billion farm bill-which phases out government subsidies to growers of corn, cotton, rice and wheat and producers of butter, powdered milk and cheese–left intact the price-support system for sugar cane growers.

The region’s sugar producers, who have long made their wishes known to Washington lawmakers with a powerful combination of soft money, PAC contributions, well-heeled lobbyists and close relationships with Dole and other key officials, had vociferously opposed both the Clinton and Lugar proposals.

“They are very aggressive,” Fisher says.

U.S. Sugar’s Buker complains in an interview that multimillionaire Paul Tudor Jones Ill and Florida environmentalists are “attacking” the industry. Refer-ring to the 1994 settlement of a federal lawsuit that requires the growers to pay up to $320 million in cleanup costs over 20 years, Buker says the industry is already doing its part.

The proposed reductions in the federal sugar subsidy would drive his company and other growers out of business, says Buker, who is just as blunt in his discussion of the big soft money contributions his company has made to both political parties. “It’s to protect our business interests,” he says. “You give it so you can get access.”

And, Buker adds, echoing a refrain common among big soft money contributors, “We ran up against a ton more money on the other side.”

In fact, some of the sugar industry’s more traditional opponents, including soft drink and candy makers, are also big soft money givers. Coca-cola has contributed $333,983 to the Republicans since January 1991, along with $117,203 to the Democrats; PepsiCo Inc. has given the Republicans $267,474; and Mars Inc. has contributed $136,000 to the GOP.

Jones, meanwhile, the New York commodity trader who financed an expensive advertising campaign in support of an Everglades cleanup tax on the sugar growers, has contributed $190,000 to the Democrats. Despite all his political contributions and millions spent on advertising, ballot initiatives and grassroots organizing, Jones discovered that he couldn’t beat Big Sugar. At least not yet.

This is at least in part, many believe, because of a couple of brothers: Jose “Pepe” and Alfonso Fanjul of Palm Beach, the owners of Flo-Sun Sugar Co. Inc., the most dominant grower in Florida’s sugar industry, and Okeelanta Corp., its sugar mill. Flo-Sun has contributed $30,000 to the Republicans since January 1991 (on top of Jose’s $200,000 gift to the RNC as a member of President Bush’s Team 100) and $21,000 to the Democrats, while Okeelanta has given the Republicans $159,500 and the Democrats $53,000.

Never mind that the brothers are not U.S. citizens and therefore cannot vote; as Cuban exiles with Spanish passports and permanent U.S. resident status they’re far more involved in American politics than most citizens will ever be.

Jose “Pepe” Fanjul also has strong personal ties to highranking Republican officials. Fanjul was a fundraiser for George Bush in 1988 and a finance committee vice chair for Bush’s 1992 campaign. He is now a vice chair of Bob Dole’s national finance committee; last year he hosted a fundraiser for Dole at his Palm Beach estate that netted more than 100,000.

Alfonso Fanjul, meanwhile, was a top fundraiser for Bill Clinton’s 1992 campaign.

Farmworkers’ rights advocates have blamed the Fanjuls’ ties to top Republican leaders, including Bush Commerce Secretary Robert Mosbacher, for the Labor Department’s repeated failure in the late 1980s to crack down on Fanjul companies for labor-law violations involving the abuse of Caribbean sugar cane cutters.

Many observers believe the Fanjuls’ connections and contributions also had a lot to do with the Everglades provision that ended up in the farm bill. Representatives of the Fanjuls did not respond to repeated requests for interviews.

Others believe Dole’s Everglades plan had more to do with election-year politics than the powerful sugar industry. With Florida’s 25 electoral votes a coveted prize on Election Night, Dole was bound to produce a pro-everglades plan of his own once the White House announced its proposal, they say.

Dole provided support for that view in early April when, while vacationing at his Florida condo (sold to Elizabeth Dole by longtime supporter and leading double-soft money donor Dwayne Andreas), Dole took time out to plug the Everglades plan. After a helicopter ride over the Everglades with West Palm Beach’s Rep. Foley, Dole voiced support for the cleanup and reiterated,, his opposition to Clinton’s proposed penny-a-pound sugar tax. “You can’t pick out a single industry,” Dole said.

However, a Dole spokesperson insists the senator’s support for a farm bill Everglades provision had nothing to do with either campaign activities or his ties to the sugar industry. “Sen. Dole has been guided by the 10th Amendment, which h to return power to the states,” says Clarkson Hine. “His view is that people in Florida can decide on this issue, not people in Washington.”

Asked how a provision in a federal farm bill empowers state residents, Hine says, “The federal government helps start the state effort, and now the people of Florida have the opportunity to decide how best to proceed.” Whatever the reason the Everglades plan won Dole’s endorsement, the real winners are the sugar producers.

The Drug Lords

Much of the Washington business that soft money donors care about most happens not in Congress or a White House office, but at the regulatory level, where political appointees and bureaucrats enforce the law, conduct inspections and investigations, file law. suits and approve products. Many of the rooms soft money donors speak of gaining access to are the offices of top regulators and administrators–persons who are not elected but who wield a lot of power over the way businesses operate and the profits they can earn.

So in late March, when news was leaked of a Federal Trade Commission (FTC) investigation into the pricing policies of 22 major pharmaceutical firms, officials at the trade group representing drug stores considered the development a major political victory. The National Association of Retail Druggists (NARD) had been asking the FTC to investigate the drug makers since 1982, says NARD general counsel John Rector. Written requests from Democratic Reps. John Dingell and Jack Brooks in the mid-1980s also had failed to prompt FTC action.

NARD accuses the drug companies of conspiring to charge drugstores higher prices for prescription drugs while offering bulk discounts to hospitals and HMOs. In February, 15 drug companies agreed to pay more than $400 million to settle a class action lawsuit, and in May, 13 of them agreed to stop charging pharmacies higher prices.

The drug companies and their trade group, the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers Association (PRMA), are renowned for their political clout–and their campaign contributions. Rector and his association members believed the FTC’s refusal to investigate the drug companies for possible price-fixing or other anti-competitive behavior was a function of the drug makers’ influence and the free-market philosophy of some Reagan and Bush appointees. An FTC spokesperson refused to comment on the current probe.

Rector relates his experience at a Washington social gathering in the mid-’80s shortly after Rep. Brooks had written FTC commissioners requesting an investigation. Representatives of the drug makers’ trade group, then called the PMA, were also at the party, and Rector says he overheard them “boasting” about the FTC’s response to Brooks. It turned out that while Brooks had yet to hear from the FTC, PMA officials had a draft copy of the FTC’s response.

“We used to say that the PMA and the FTC had the same phone number,” Rector says.

So in the late 1980s NARD started supplementing its PAC contributions with soft money. “It gave us access to circumstances that could be beneficial,” Rector says, explaining that “drug companies are everywhere at political conventions. A lot of times you can’t even participate in activities” that provide access to convention delegates–who are often congressmembers, governors and other elected officials–without making big contributions to the parties, Rector says. “A little went a long way,” he adds. From January 1991 through 1995 NARD gave the DNC $52,949 in soft money; last year it also gave $3,500 to the RNC.

Asked about PRMA’s contributions to the political parties, spokesperson Patrick Korten first says, “We don’t give soft money.” When informed that the association has given $70,987 in soft money to the Republicans and $49,950 to the Democrats since 1991, Korten says, “We’re no different than any other association in town. We buy tickets to [party] dinners. Whether it’s PAC contributions or soft money dinner tickets,” he adds, “we are in no way, shape or form a big player in this business.”

PRMA’s member companies, however. have contributed more than $3.8 million in soft money since January 1991.

Hard and soft political contributions are only part of NARD’s strategy. “We’ve left no stone unturned,” Rector says. In fact, shortly after Clinton was elected–before he’d even taken office–Rector met with and wrote a memo to members of Clinton’s FTC transition team, outlining his group’s concerns and expressing his “hope that the new FTC will provide leadership essential to achieve these objectives.”

In Rector’s view the money, the lobbying and the schmoozing are all necessary to help retail druggists “level what [their] opponents can give…. If every issue were argued on the merits and won on the merits, that would be great,” he says. “Unfortunately, our system is not set up that way.”

A History of Favors

While party officials, members of Congress and most soft money contributors insist that contributions are given to parties or candidates who already support a contributor’s position on key issues, contributions from one donor to both parties beg the question: Do big soft money contributions follow sympathetic parties and candidates, or are huge sums of money given to gain access to administration officials and congress members in the hopes of gaining their support? In other words, do votes, vetoes, regulations, policies and other government actions sometimes follow the money? While direct quid pro quos are inherently difficult to prove, presidential, congressional and regulatory actions that are favorable to large donors suggest that money can pervert the process.

When Clinton administration officials, Senate Majority Leader Dole, House Speaker Gingrich and House Minority Leader Dick Gephardt pulled out all the stops earlier this year to try to stop trade quotas limiting imports of Chiquita brand bananas, many observers suspected political money was at play. How often does that grouping of individuals agree on anything, they reasoned. And Chiquita owner Carl Lindner and his American Financial Corp. and various subsidiaries have given the political parties more than $2.1 million since January 1991, with almost $1.5 million of that going to the Republicans. Lindner had also contributed $100,000 to Dole’s now defunct tax-exempt foundation and at least $55,000 to GOPAC, the controversial political group formerly headed by Gingrich.

As a Lindner aide said of his boss, “He needs help this year…. That’s what the Congress and the administration are there for.” And he got**t,, with the top leaders of both parties pressuring the European Union, Colombia and Costa Rica to take actions benefitting a Lindner-owned company that has almost no American employees.

Leaders of both parties have also gone to bat consistently for ADM, the agribusiness giant owned by longtime political donor Dwayne Andreas. Since January 1991 Andreas, his wife and his company have given the political parties more than $2.5 million in soft money; ADM’s almost $1.7 million in GOP contributions make it the No. 3 Republican giver for the period.

In 1994 Vice President Gore cast a tie-breaking Senate vote that, favored producers of ethanol, a corn-based fuel additive, over oil companies. At the time ADM controlled more than half the ethanol market. Gore’s vote killed an effort to prevent the enforcement of a pro-ethanol Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) ruling authorized by the Clinton administration.

That Clean Air Act regulation, which required that roughly 10 percent of all gasoline contain ethanol by January 1995, followed reports by the Clinton administration’s own Energy Department that ethanol might actually cause more po and be more expensive than an additive derived from natural gas.

Another president had paved the way for the EPA ruling. In 1992, a month before the presidential election, George Bush announced in a Rose Garden ceremony that he was granting an ethanol exemption to the Clean Air Act’s volatility standards. The exemption was necessary because die EPA had determined that ethanol’s high volatility meant it would worsen, rather than improve, gasoline pollution during the summer.

The oil industry, environmentalists and some senators criticized the pro-ethanol actions of both administrations as political moves designed to benefit Andreas and win votes in farm states. hi 1994 Clinton administration officials said the ethanol requirement would bring farmers an additional $250 million a year, and Dole, sometimes called “Senator Ethanol,” was the key leader in the Senate battle to keep the regulation alive.

When the American Petroleum Institute and the National Petroleum Refiners Association filed suit in federal court to block enforcement of the rule, they characterized the ethanol mandate as “the product of special interest politics,” and said it would result in the transfer of hundreds of millions of taxpayer dollars to ADM. In May 1995 a U.S. Appeals Court struck/down the Clinton administration’s ethanol mandate, saying the EPA had exceeded its authority.

But that didn’t stop the Clinton administration from trying to help ethanol producers in other ways. Last summer the Treasury Department expanded the ethanol tax subsidy–which, at 54 cents a gallon, costs taxpayers about $770 million a year–to cover ETBE, an ether derived from ethanol. And when Rep. Bill Archer (R-Texas) tried last year to reduce the subsidy by three cents a gallon, Dole and Agriculture Secretary Dan Glickman led the successful fight to preserve the full subsidy.

ADM also benefits from other government subsidies and policies. Federal sugar subsidies boost ADM’s sales of high-fructose corn syrup for use in soft drinks, and the company has won more than $68 million in federal “export enhancement” awards in the past three fiscal years alone.

ADM has not fared so well, however, with the Clinton Justice Department, which has been investigating the company for possible price-fixing on three of its products: the soft-drink sweetener; citric acid, also used in soft drinks; and lysine, which is added to animal feed. In April ADM agreed to pay $25 million to settle civil suits that accused ADM and other lysine producers of conspiring to fix prices.

In addition to living in a condo formerly owned by Andreas, Dole is a frequent flyer on ADM’s corporate jet. Andreas, like Lindner, contributed $100,000 to Dole’s foundation, and in June 1995 both Andreas and his wife, Inez, made the maximum 1,000 contributions to Clinton’s legal defense fund.

But the history of government actions taken on behalf of top contributors is nothing new; nor is it limited to the likes of Lindner and Andreas. Previous investigations by Common Cause Magazine uncovered a clear pattern of favorable government treatment of big Republican Party donors.

A 1990 investigation “All the President’s Donor’s,” March/April identified the 249 individuals who had contributed $100,000 each to Team 100, a special big-money drive run out of the Republican National Committee (RNC) to help elect George Bush.

Team 100 was a virtual Who’s Who of American business: Sixty-six contributors worked in finance, 58 in real estate and construction, 17 in the oil industry and 15 in food and agriculture. Entertainment, cable television, insurance, steel and auto industries were also represented.

Almost all Team 100 members or the companies they led wanted something from the government, and many of them had significant business or regulatory matters pending with the federal government at the time they made their contributions. Others gave their $100,000 knowing they probably would have business matters come before the Bush administration.

The Democrats had mounted a similar fundraising drive. Together, the parties injected more than $45 million in large individual and corporate contributions into the 1988 presidential race. After the election Team 100 captain Robert Mosbacher was appointed Commerce secretary and six Team 100 members were nominated as U.S. ambassadors.

In 1992, with the Bush administration in its fourth year and the president running for reelection, the magazine revisited Team 100 and uncovered a clear pattern of favorable government treatment of the GOP’s $100,000 donors (see “Bush’s Ruling Class,” April/May/June 1992). The results produced or fostered by their influence included questionable actions, policy reversals, pork barrel handouts, import-export assistance, high-level intervention on regulatory matters, appointments to ambassadorships and federal commissions, and broad national policies for wealthy Wall Street, oil, real estate, cable TV and other interests.

Specific federal actions benefitting Team 100 members included clean air provisions sought by oil, natural gas and ethanol producers; a timely release of federally subsidized irrigation water in California’s Central Valley; a $35 million federal grant for construction of a Denver air terminal; the imposition of cement tariffs for the first time in 26 years; and the quashing of a $50 million criminal tax investigation.

According to the RNC’s Crawford, Team 100 is still alive and well, representing the top echelon of GOP donors.

As long as Bush was in the White House, the lion’s share of six-figure soft money contributions continued to flow to the Republicans. But beginning in mid-1992 and continuing through the first 15 months of Clinton’s term, the soft money flow shifted dramatically to the new party in power. Labor unions, the tobacco industry, health care interests, breweries, Wall Streeters and movie moguls were among the interests ponying up to the Democratic soft money trough.

In 1994, however, the flow changed direction again; although contributions to both parties increased, the Republicans collected 55 percent more soft money than the Democrats. Republican Party committees raised $33.9 million last year, more than three times the amount they raised in 1993, the last non-election year. The Democratic Party raised $25.4 million in soft money last year, a 44 percent increase over its 93 total.

It’s no wonder that Trevor Potter, a former FEC chair and, before that, a lawyer for the Bush-Quayle campaign finance committee, likens the soft money system to a political “arms race. There is no logical stopping point,” he says. Like military superpowers being pressed to disarm, party officials defend their use of soft money by saying, “‘We don’t want to be caught defenseless. The other party i s doing it,” Potter adds. “It’s kind of like warfare,” agrees Lawrence O’Brien III, a lobbyist for telecommunications interests who’s contributed $117,750 to the Democrats since January 1991. “It’s a balance of power,” he says.

Indeed, the soft money fundraising machines of both parties have thrived during the Clinton administration–despite the president’s repeated statements in support of campaign finance reform.

Same As It Ever Was–Only Worse

It wasn’t supposed to be this way. Clinton had campaigned on a platform of change, and he talked repeatedly about changing the way business is done in Washington. Yet even before he took office the president-elect was reaching out to big business, asking corporations to fund numerous inaugural festivities.

President Clinton continued to sound the reform theme in speeches, interviews and radio adolyesses. “And so I say to all of you here,” he said in his inaugural address, “Let us resolve to reform our’ politics so that power and privilege no longer shut down the voice of the people. Let us give this capital back to the people to whom it belongs.”

The new president also seemed to understand the impact of big political money on policy. In his first week in office he told Newsweek, “It’s going to be difficult for us to pass the kind of health care reforms we need, and the kinds of budgetary changes we need, unless we can pass campaign finance and lobby reform.”

While Senate Democratic leaders and public interest groups urged the new president to introduce a campaign reform measure almost immediately upon taking office, House Democratic leaders had other ideas. They argued for dealing with other issues first, and for letting them decide when to introduce campaign reform. The House Democrats seemed to win out; while Clinton continued to talk reform, he did nothing about it. Instead, Democratic party leaders actively sought both PAC money and big soft money contributions.

In a May 1993 radio address from the Oval Office, Clinton said, “Unless we change fundamentally the way campaigns are financed, everything else we seek to do to improve the lives of our people will be much harder to achieve. Economic reform and reform of the political system go hand in hand.”

Clinton criticized lobbyists and special interests for attacking his health reform plan, and said, “This is what always happens in Washington. Narrow interests exercise powerful influence. They try to stop reform, delay change, deny progress, simply because they profit from the status quo. Because big money and the special access it buys are the problem, we have to reform the political system even as we try to improve the economy and open opportunities to all our people.”

Senate Democrats managed to pass a strong campaign finance reform measure that month, but away from the public eye party officials were busy raising money. Within days of Clinton’s radio speech deploring access-selling, the DNC was banking the more than $3.5 million it had raised at a dinner attended by the president at New York’s Lincoln Center. Later that month U.S. Trade Representative Mickey Kantor hosted a private briefing on trade matters for a dozen big money contributors to the Democratic Party.

“Not only is this business as usual,” a former party fundraiser told the New York Times, “but they’ve gone a step beyond.”

And they went further still. During that same week in May 1993 the DNC sent out invitations to events that were to include breakfast with the president, private briefings with top-level officials and a lavish dinner party at the Washington Convention Center–all for $15,000 a couple. The invitation made it clear that contributions from PACs and corporations were welcome. After details of the planned event became public and attracted significant criticism, Democratic officials canceled the presidential breakfast.

They could afford to. During Clinton’s first 15 months in office, the Democrats raised more than $20.5 million in soft money contributions–50 percent more than the Republicans had raised during the first 15 months of Bush’s presidency. And the money was coming from many of the same wealthy individuals and corporations that had filed the GOP’s soft money coffers.

The Republicans, meanwhile, were overhauling their money-raising operations and gearing up for the midterm congressional elections in November 1994. In one of the more ironic fundraising perk offers, the GOP attempted to lure its donors to an April ’94 fundraiser in New York City. For a $100,000 contribution, donors would be wined and dined by top party officials and attend a political briefing, complete with a “private photo opportunity” with former President Richard Nixon, someone who could talk firsthand about political money scandals.

The Democrats were working on their own hard sell, and in mid–they 1995 issued another brazen dining-for-dollars invitation. For $100,000, donors could get not one, but two, dinners with the president, according to a DNC brochure. Meetings with First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton and Vice President Gore were also part of the package. After more negative publicity, Clinton canceled the dinner dates, but party officials pledged to continue their access-for-sale fundraising methods. The president was mad about it and said, Don’t do that,’ but we’re going to continue to raise money. Those are the facts of life,” White House press secretary Mike McCurry told reporters last July.

Some of the GOP’s soft money came from similar “access-selling” appeals. Individual contributions of $15,000, and special “rates” of $20,000 per couple and 7,500 for donors under age 35, would bring meetings with top Republican officials, participation in trade missions, preferential scaring at the party’s national convention and private meetings with the new president and vice president, should the Republicans recapture the White House.

Meanwhile, efforts to reform the campaign financing system continued to languish. House Democrats, who had delayed action for months, finally agreed to a compromise reform package in September 1994, but it was killed by a Republican-led Senate filibuster. Attempts by the president and Democratic leaders to blame the failure on Republicans rang somewhat hollow.

By that time another Election Day was right around the comer, MC Prep. Newt Gingrich had engineered a plan for a Republican takeover of die House. A key part of the plan was money. Because most PAC contributions go to incumbents, and because Democrats had controlled the House for 40 years, the lion’s share of PAC money had long gone to Democrats. But Gingrich aimed to reverse that trend–even before his party won a majority of House seats.

If PACs often made contributions to ensure access to lawmakers, Gingrich suggested the converse could also be true. “Don’t pick a specific (race) out,” he told PAC directors attending a Republican Party briefing about a month before the election, just put your money in any or all of them, because when I become speaker, for anybody that’s not on board now it’s going to be the coldest two years in Washington.” Gingrich’s statement also demonstrated how lawmakers often shake down contributors.

In the closing days of the ’94 elections, both PACs and big soft money donors rushed to the Republicans. GOP committees collected a record $10.8 million in soft money from October 20 through November 28, three weeks after the election. Among the party’s biggest soft-money contributors were tobacco, alcohol and gambling interests.

From January 1993 through November 28, 1994, the Republicans collected $43.9 million in soft money while the Democrats took in $39.4 million.

But more than just the momentary balance of monetary power had changed. The nation’s political system was being flooded with huge, unregulated soft money contributions from corporations, labor unions and wealthy individuals.

While there were only 249 members of Team 100, the list of corporations, unions and individuals who’ve given more than $20,000 in soft money to the political parties since January 1991 now numbers more than 1,953, and 492 of them have given at least 100,000.

This year, with both Congress and the White House up for grabs, both parties have pulled out all the stops. In January the RNC raised a record $16.3 million at a $1,000-a-plate gala, and donors who raised $250,000 or more were promised meals and meetings with top House and Senate leaders, breakfast with the party’s presidential nominee and VIP seating at the GOP convention.

GOP donors are grouped according to contribution size, and various groups are accorded different privileges and meetings, says the RNC’s Crawford. Donors of $100,000 and more are still considered Team 100 members, while contributors of ,000 are designated Eagles; $5,000 donors are admitted to the Chairman’s Advisory Board; and 1,000 donors are considered members of the President’s Council, she says.

In preparation for their own gala affair in May–which raised $12 million–the Democrats also offered different levels of benefits for donors and fundraisers, despite President Clinton’s statements against the practice. The DNC’s “levels of participation” for the event ranged from 25,000 contributors “national gala patrons” to “national gala deputy chairs,” persons who contributed at least $50,000 or raised at least 100,000. They received invitations to a pre-gala dinner, a gala reception, preferred seating at the event and four tickets to a party leadership conference.

But the DNC’s Amy Weiss Tobe insists the Democratic Party is not selling influence. “In the past there has been some access [for soft money donors], but not anymore,” she says. “You no longer are promised dinner with the president. Our soft money donors don’t have any more access than anybody else.”

Meanwhile, bipartisan campaign finance reform legislation is pending in both the House and Senate. One of its provisions would put an end to the soft money system.

“Fueled by Money”

“There’s very little difference” between the parties in their approach to soft money, conservative political analyst Kevin Phillips says with undisguised disgust. “It’s one of the reasons why the Clinton administration has so little courage on so many fronts,” he adds. The parties are so thickly intertwined with this stuff, the only thing they agree on … is getting money.”

Others defend the soft money system, saying the parties are only trying to keep up with the increasing amount of unregulated political spending by labor unions and issue-oriented groups like the Christian Coalition, the National Rifle Association and pro-life and pro-choice groups. “What we see in the parties is just the tip of the iceberg,” says Steven Stockmeyer, executive vice president of the National Association of Business PACS and a former executive director of the National Republican Congressional Committee.

“The political parties are struggling to keep their role in a system that makes it easier for these non-party groups to spend money than the political parties,” says former FEC commissioner Trevor Potter, adding that political spending by the advocacy groups isn’t subject to the federal limits and disclosure rules the parties must follow. “The parties are competing in an idea marketplace with these groups that are not parties and don’t have these restrictions,” he says.

Stockmeyer says his group’s members, who make millions of dollars in PAC contributions every year, “think the use of soft money is very healthy and don’t want it to be harmed.” Soft money is needed to compete with groups like die AFL-CIO, he says.

In March, RNC Chair Haley Barbour seemed to be using the labor campaign to justify more GOP spending. “We as a party are going to make an effort to offset this sort of unbelievable spending,” he said, “and it will fall to us to keep the message in front of the people between now and August.” However, Republican Party officials had already announced a plan to do just that–to make up for the fact that the campaign of Bob Dole had almost reached the pre-convention spending limit imposed on presidential candidates who accept public campaign funds.

There is, however, at least one important difference between the parties and labor and issue groups when it comes to the raising and spending of soft money: The political parties, unlike the other groups, have elected officials in Congress and the White House–as well as Cabinet secretaries and thousands of administration officials who pass laws, regulate industries and control access to other powerful decisionmakers. In other words, they are in a position to offer benefits for contributions.

Potter notes the almost century-long efforts to keep corporate and labor money out of politics and says the soft money system is nothing if not ironic. “People have forgotten what Watergate was all about,” he says, adding, it was the result of a particular money system.”

Considering the flourishing soft money system of today, Potter says, “Maybe we’re condemned to repeat die past in 25-year cycles.”

Professor Corrado believes that the parties’ common financial base is “one of the reasons why we see an increasing share of the electorate searching for new alternatives, wanting more options. More and more individuals are feeling like they’re not represented,” he says.

Houston trial lawyer and Democratic soft money giver Michael Caddell takes a more pragmatic view. “The reality,” he says, “is that we have a wide-open political system that is fueled by money. And until the politicians in Washington change that system, money is important. If you want politicians and political parties who are consistent with your viewpoint to be successful, you have to support them….

“If you need any further illustration,” he continues, “go to a fundraiser where the president is a participant…. Whoever that person is, arguably the most powerful person in the world, will be standing in a receiving line, shaking hands for three hours. Is that a good use of that man’s time? Those are the kinds of questions people ought to be asking.”

The REPUBLICAN CLUB

$156,000 R Synergics Energy Development $100,700 D Roger Tamranz $50,000 D Tenneco Inc. $31,000 D

$72,500 R Tesoro Petroleum Corp. $20,000 R Texaco Inc. $98,225 D

$162,367 R Tosco Corp. $64,000 D

$75,000 R True Oil Co. $20,000 R H.A. True Jr. $30,000 R Truman Arnold Cos. $135,950 D United BMB Group Co. $82,800 R Ali Bozkurt $83,150 R United Co. $54,700 R United Refining Co. $33,000 D UNOCAL Corp. $36,000 D

$58,000 R Utilicorp $183,123 R William Warren $20,000 D Western Atlas Inc. $30,250 D

$30,000 R Williams Cos. Inc. $25,750 D

$33,850 R Wisconsin Electric Power $20,000 R Yates Petroleum Corp. $80,000 R

ENVIRONMENTAL/WASTE MANAGEMENT

Advanced Sciences Inc. $51,000 D Attwoods of North America $20,000 D Browning-Ferris Industries $110,175 D

$240,743 R Cement Kiln Recycling Coalition $47,500 R CH2M Hill Inc. $21,325 D Chambers Development Co. $37,500 D

$110,521 R City Management Corp. $35,000 R Empire Sanitary Landfill Inc. $20,000 D Environmental Chemical Corp. $40,000 D Envrironmental Compliance Services Inc. $20,250 D Environmental Waterway Management Inc. $25,750 D Envirosource Inc. $25,000 R FMC Corp. $69,321 R Howard Gilman $100,000 D Wayne Huizenga $85,000 R Integrated Control Systems Inc. $15,000 D

$231,780 R James Irwin $85,000 R Integrated Waste Services Association $35,250 D Laidlaw Environmental Services Inc. $25,000 R Diana MacArthur $21,875 D Masonite Corp. $20,000 R Metcalf & Eddy Air & Water Technologies $50,000 D Mid-American Waste Systems Inc. $100,000 R Molten Metal Technology Inc. $37,500 D John Moran $237,900 R OHM Remediation Service Corp. $32,000 D Pratt Industries Inc. $35,000 D John Rollins $151,400 R Simplex Products Division Inc. $25,000 R Union Camp Corp. $24,000 R WMX Technologies Inc. $30,000 D

$159,500 R Waste Management Inc. $88,430 D

$228,427 R Dean Buntrock $20,000 R Chemical Waste Management $51,300 D

$25,000 R Rust International Corp. $68,500 D Wheelabrator Technologies Inc. $70,500 D

FINANCE

21 International Holdings Inc. $35,000 D Marshall Cogan $115,000 D A.B. Laffer & Associates $55,000 R A.G. Edwards & Sons Inc. $56,600 R AIM Management Group $70,050 R Alliance Fund Services Inc. $24,000 D Zane Alpert $80,000 R American Bank Note Co. $50,000 D American Bankers Association $28,750 D

$52,583 R American Express Co. $82,700 D

$269,013 R American Financial Corp. $150,000 D

$1,220,000 R American Money Management $25,000 D Atlanta Casualty Co. $25,000 R James Evans $150,000 D Great American Holding Corp. $25,000 D

$50,000 R Carl Lindner $250,000 D

$155,000 R Mr. Agency of Georgia $25,000 D Republic Indemnity Co. $25,000 D of America $25,000 R American Institute of CPAs $28,000 D Jack Anderson $25,000 R Artemis Capital Group Inc. $22,000 R Arthur Andersen & Co. $78,300 D

$51,159 R Aurora Capital Partners LP $137,500 R Louis Bacon $205,000 R Sam Bamieh $372,800 R Banc One Corp. $21,500 R BankAmerica Corp. $194,825 D

$196,817 R Barnett Banks Inc. $30,000 R Lee Bass $50,000 R Bear Steams & Co. Inc. $21,047 D

$107,500 R Patricia Davis Beck $30,590 R Jordan Belfort $100,000 R Beneficial Corp. $442,900 D

$223,500 R Howard Berkowitz $95,000 D Berry Investments $75,000 R John Berry Sr. $130,000 R Richard Berry $50,000 R Besserner Trust Co. $65,000 R Scott Black $35,250 D Bluebonnet Savings Bank FSB $20,000 R David Bonderman $80,000 D Robert Brennan $75,000 R Charles Brunie $50,000 R Cantor Fitzgerald Corp. $56,000 R Carlson Holdings Inc. $20,000 R Russell Carson $50,000 R Max Chapman $25,000 R Chemical Bank $35,495 R Chevy Case Savings Bank $30,000 R Chicago Board Options Exchange $42,500 D

$29,000 R Chicago Board of Trade $57,500 R Chicago Mercantile Exchange $101,593 D

$131,247 R John Childs $20,000 R Citicorp $73,227 R Thomas Clagett Jr. $58,500 R CNS Corp. $20,000 R Timothy Collins $35,500 D Complete Equity Markets Inc. $134,127 R Concord Services Inc. $20,000 R John Connelly $200,000 D Daniel Cook $59,800 R Edward Cook $25,000 D Coopers & Lybrand $29,123 R Copeland Consultants International Inc. $64,000 R Copeland Consulting International $30,290 R Copeland Corp. $25,000 R Craighead Investment Co. Inc. $100,000 D CS First Boston Inc. $27,325 D

$40,500 R Frank Daniel $20,000 R Mark Dayton $55,000 D Dean Wilter Reynolds Inc. $79,000 R Deloitte & Touche $206,150 D

$286,333 R Louis DeNaples $50,000 D Richard Dennis $201,300 D Charles DeQueljoe $25,000 D Susan Henes-DeQueljoe $25,000 D Development Specialists Inc. $160,250 D William Brandt Jr. $65,000 D D.H. Blair Investment Banking Corp. $88,000 R Douglas Dillon $79,500 R Dreyfus Family of Funds $25,000 R Duff & Phelps Corp. $40,000 R Dyson Kissner Moran $20,000 R John Earhart $20,000 D Eaton Vance Management $20,000 R Lewis Eisenberg $21,000 R J.A. Elkins $56,727 R Equitable Cos. $109,250 D Donaldson Lufkin & Jenrette Inc. $59,500 D

83,100 R Ernts & Young $294,425 D

$234,862 R Jane Eskind $68,050 D Fairway Investments Inc. $25,000 R Fannie Mae $77,200 D

$70,400 R Samia Farouki $50,000 D Federated Investors $40,000 R James Fees $25,000 R Fidelity Investments $30,000 R Paul Finstad $31,827 R Henry Fisher $25,000 R First Bank National Association $55,000 R First Factors Corp. Inc. $120,400 R First Interstate Bank $21,000 R Fiscal Funding Co. Inc. $35,000 D Fiscal Operations Inc. $20,000 D Max Fisher $195,253 R Flagship Financial Inc. $28,000 R Peter Flanigan $43,500 R Forstmann Little & Co. $70,000 R Nicholas Forstmann $110,000 R Theodore Forstman $205,000 R Gleacher & Co. $20,000 R Gulfstream Aerospace Corp. $49,000 R William Brian Little $65,000 R Four Winds Inc. $52,000 D Saul Fox $25,000 D Franklin Resources Inc. $55,000 R Charles Johnson $100,000 R Scott Frantz $20,000 R Freddie Mac $122,500 D

$210,000 R Bradford Freeman $61,200 R John Freidenrich $50,000 D Friedman, Billings, Ramsey & Co. Inc. $25,000 D Roy Furman $175,000 D Edward Gibbons $80,000 R Richard Gilder $30,000 R GLA Financial Corp. $25,000 R Goldman, Sachs & Co. $25,000 D

$90,720 R Jon Corzine $95,000 D Eugene Fife $75,330 R Robert E. Rubin $27,500 D Bram Goldsmith $25,000 D Great Western Financial Corp. $94,000 R Greenspun Management Enterprises Inc. $45,000 D Myra Greenspun $35,000 D Jack Guy $55,000 R John Harris IV $37,000 D HBR Capital Ltd. $20,000 R H.D. Vest Financial Services Inc. $211,910 R Daniel Heffeman $85,000 R Henry Hillman $132,400 R Hip Hing Holdings Ltd. $67,500 D David Hodgkinson $40,000 D James Hormel $185,530 D John Hotchkis $58,000 R Household International $40,000 R Houston Venture Inc. $25,000 D Glenn Hutchins $80,000 D Henry Hwang $21,000 R IBJ Schroder Bank & Trust $20,000 R International Bank of Commerce $40,000 D International Corp. of America $190,000 D Chiao Jen Wang $75,000 D Invemed Associates Inc. $68,000 R Investment Management Services $35,000 D Robert Ireland III $45,000 R Island Investors Partnership $20,000 D J.C. Bradford & Co. $22,500 D Robert Wood Johnson IV $142,400 R Jundt Associates Inc. $105,000 R Karina Investment Services Inc. $21,250 R James Keenan $165,000 R Kelso & Company $100,000 R Joseph Schuchert $21,727 R Ben Kelts $100,000 D Kemper Securities Group Inc. $43,500 D

$50,000 R Jerome Kohlberg $150,000 D Bruce Kovner $25,000 R KPMG Peat Marwick $56,333 R Henry Kravis $115,000 R Kenneth Langone $25,000 R Ronald Louder $126,200 R Marisol Archilla Lausell $80,000 D Miguel Lausell $196,000 D Lazard Freres & Co. $20,000 R Barbara Blumenthal $50,000 D Michael Blumenthal $50,000 D Elizabeth Rohatyn $30,000 D Felix Rohatyn $360,000 D Sidney Lee $38,463 R Thomas Lee $40,000 D Lehman Brothers Inc. $25,000 R Judd and Mary Leighton $121,926 R Kam Leung $20,000 R L.S. Financial Group $29,250 D Liberty Brokerage Inc. $22,000 R Robert Ludwig $50,000 R MAC Group-Gemini $40,000 R MacAndrews & Forbes Holding Inc. $105,000 D 924 Bel Aire Corp. $50,000 R Revlon Group Inc. $371,700 D

$190,000 R Robert MacDonnell $25,000 R Madison Partners $25,000 R Bernard Margalt $31,827 R Morris Mark $20,500 R Myron Kent Martin $50,000 R Hani Masri $30,000 D Massachusetts Financial Services $20,000 R MBNA Corp. $145,000 R McDonald & Co. Securities Inc. $40,000 R McKinsey & Co. Inc. $20,000 R McLean Capital Corp. $25,000 R McMahan & Co. $60,000 R Merrill Lynch & Co. Inc. $139,300 D

$715,700 R William Schreyer $190,000 R Borg-Warner Security Corp. $20,000 R Michigan National Corp. $25,000 R Jeremiah Milbank $30,000 R Miller & Scroeder Financial Inc. $25,000 R Money Store Investment Corp. $180,000 D

$45,000 R Morgan Stanley & Co. Inc. $158,850 D

$234,872 R Joseph Fogg III $156,175 R Mortgage Bankers Association of America $38,300 D MR Beal & Co. $33,000 R National Federation of Independent Business $42,000 R Nationsbank Corp. $42,500 R Nemazee Capital Corp. $25,000 D Hassan Nemazee $55,000 D New York Mercantile Exchange $28,000 D

$28,200 R Northern Trust Co. $21,050 R Peter O’Donnell Jr. $31,000 R Edith Jones O’Donnell $25,000 R Options Cleaning Corp. $45,000 R John Oxley $125,000 R Pacific American Development Ltd. $35,000 R Pacific Capital Group $50,000 R PaineWebber Group Inc. $291,300 R Alexander Papamarkou $25,000 R Pasadena Capital Corp. $20,000 R Frank Pearl $100,000 D Pegasus Holding Corp. $115,000 R Pexco USA Ltd. $90,000 D George Pillsbury $58,400 R Lionel Pincus $180,000 D Michael Price $50,000 R Price Waterhouse $49,625 D

$67,833 R Primerica Financial Services $30,500 R Princeton Venture Research Inc. $125,000 D Pryor McClendon Counts & Co. Inc. $40,500 D Public Private Partnership Inc. $24,125 D Public Securities Association Inc. $182,659 D

$200,165 R R&S Associates $154,000 D Madeleine Russell $55,000 D Paul Raether $50,000 R E.E. Rasmuson $29,250 R Steven Rattner $110,000 D Republic National Bank of New York $25,000 D Jeffrey Keil $25,000 D

$25,000 R Dov Schlein $20,000 D Walter Weiner $42,500 D

$35,000 R Chuck Rheem $20,000 R Robert W. Baird & Co. Inc. $25,000 R Jeanne Robertson $35,000 D Julian Robertson $250,000 R Sanford Robertson $85,000 D George Roberts $25,000 R William Rollnick $336,300 D Robert M. Rubin $105,000 D Ruesch International $50,000 D Russell Reynolds Associates Inc. $30,000 R Peter Sacerdote $110,000 R Savings & Community Bankers of America $105,500 D

$52,500 R Savoy Capital Inc. $25,000 R John Schiff $36,500 R Richard Schmeelk $50,000 R Frederick Schultz $80,000 D Charles Schwab $80,000 R Seabeco USA Inc. $23,520 R Seafield Capital Corp. $26,000 R Securities Industry Association Inc. $76,000 D

$69,515 R David Shaw $180,000 D Shearson Lehman Brothers Inc. $47,000 D

$58,000 R Stanley Shopkom $25,000 R Stanley Shuman $58,200 D Smith Barney $36,508 D

$80,500 R Andrew Morse $30,250 D Peter Smith $31,827 R Society For Savings $20,000 R Peter Solomon $50,000 D George Soros $80,650 D Stanley Druckenmiller $50,000 D

$250,000 R Southwest Bancorp Inc. $100,000 R State Street Bank & Trust $36,500 R Saul Steinberg $25,000 R Wallace Steinberg $20,000 R Stephens Inc. $21,000 D

$205,000 R Jack Stephens $25,000 R TCF Financial Corp. $100,000 R Telacu Industries Inc. $25,650 D Maurice Tempelsman $145,124 D THORN Americas Inc. $25,000 D Tiger Management Corp. $30,000 R Stanley Tollman $65,000 R T.R. Network Companies Inc. $30,000 R Trust Company of the West $20,000 R Robert Day $325,650 R Tudor Investment Corp. $22,400 R Peter Borish $35,000 D Paul Tudor Jones II $190,000 D Sonia Jones $20,000 D Melvin Tukman $20,000 R U.R.S. Consultants Inc. $27,000 R U.S. Asia Commercial Development Corp. $200,000 R USCO Distribution Service $35,000 R Van Beuren Management $58,250 R Raymond Chambers $40,000 R Wachovia Bank of Georgia NA $30,000 R Waipono Inc. $80,000 R Edward Weiner $50,000 R Palomba Weingarten $100,000 R Robert Weingarten $60,000 R Thomas Weisel $100,000 R Wells Fargo & Co. $27,000 R Western Union Financial Services Inc. $20,000 D John Whitehead $246,000 R Frederick Whittemore $50,000 R Malcolm Weiner $85,000 D Michael Williams $100,250 R Willow Industries Inc. $35,000 R Barbara Winer $61,727 R Steven Wood $152,500 R Ward Woods $75,000 R W.P. Carey & Co. Inc. $64,541 R W.S. Kilroy Business Acct. $27,100 R Young Brothers Development U.S.A. Inc. $122,400 R Dirk Ziff $580,150 D Sanford Ziff $45,000 D Ezra Zilkha $55,000 R Harold Zirkin $35,000 D

FOOD & AGRICULTURE

A.J. DeCoster Co. $24,000 R American Bakers Association $22,850 R American Crop Protection Association $26,500 R American Meat Institute $22,500 D

$137,827 R American Restaurant Group $75,000 R Archer Daniels Midland Co. (ADM) $513,000 D

$1,357,268 R Dwayne Andreas $151,000 D

$325,000 R Inez Andreas $155,000 D Allen Bildner $30,000 D Joseph Bogdanovich $45,000 R Brinker’s Restaurant Corp. $75,000 R Norm Brinker $125,000 R Chili’s Grill & Bar $60,000 R Brooks Sausage Co. Inc. $27,000 D Can Manufacturers Institute Legislative Committee $77,500 D Cargill Inc. $30,000 R CEL Industries Inc. $20,000 D James Clark $20,000 R Ida Larkin Clement $45,500 R James Clement Jr. $53,000 R Coca-Cola Co. $117,203 D

$333,983 R Columbia Poultry Farms $20,000 R ConAgra Inc. $255,417 R Connell Rice & Sugar Co. $659,600 D Jamie Coulter $225,417 R Cloud Cray $40,000 R Creative Cakes $23,000 R Cypress Farms Inc. $35,000 R Howard Leach $137,400 R Dietary Supplement Coalition $120,295 R Dole Food Co. Inc. $346,200 R Dominick’s Finer Foods $25,000 D Jose “Pepe” Fanjul $50,000 R Florida Crystals Refinery $30,000 D Flo-Sun Sugar Co. Inc. $21,000 D

$30,000 R Okeelanta Corp. $53,000 D

$159,500 R Osceola Farms Co. $25,000 D Stofin Co. Inc. $25,000 D Flowers Industries Inc. $25,000 R Food 4 Less Supermarkets Inc. $154,211 D Ron Burkle $94,000 D Food Marketing Institute $56,000 D

$81,500 R Richard Freeland $35,000 R Grocery Manufacturers of America $58,550 D

$99,085 R Hardee’s Food Systems Inc. $25,000 R IBP Inc. $51,000 R In-N-Out Burgers $50,000 R International Dairy Foods Association $59,330 R Johanna Farms Inc. $40,000 R Kellogg Co. $30,500 R Kendall Sugar Cane Farm Inc. $20,000 D Thomas Kershaw $55,863 R Howard Marguleas $77,400 R Mars Inc. $35,800 R Peter May $300,000 D Meijer Inc. $25,000 R Mid-American Dairymen Inc. $21,727 R Morningstar Group $100,000 R Marianne Metropolis $20,000 R Peter Morton $300,000 D National American Wholesale Grocer’s Association $124,713 R Natinal Cotton Council of America $45,000 D National Food Processors Association $73,750 R National Restaurant Association $78,930 D

$52,050 R National Soft Drink Association $165,000 R Nature’s Recipe Inc. $41,548 R Nestle USA Inc. $40,900 D

$68,450 R New Farm Inc. $25,000 D New Hope Soutn Inc. $25,000 D New Hope Sugar Co. $20,000 D Nikko Enterprises Inc. $62,000 R Bright & Bright Corp. $20,000 R Ocean Spray Cranberries Inc. $52,500 D

$106,227 R James Ortenzio $20,000 R Outback Steakhouse of Florida $75,000 R PepsiCo Inc. $267,474 R Pizza Management Inc. $22,000 R Quaker Oats Co. $48,650 R Regas Brothers Inc. $20,000 R Savannah Foods & Industries $35,000 R Schnuck Markets Inc. $50,000 R Services Group of America $31,000 R Sierra Nevada Group $100,000 R Smitty’s Super Value Inc. $25,000 D Sons Quality Food Co. $30,000 R Robert Stuart Jr. $51,500 R Sun-Diamond Growers of California $92,500 D

$120,227 R Sunkist Growers Inc. $22,400 D

$198,400 R Tyson Foods Inc. $31,200 D

$23,500 R United States Sugar Corp. $199,050 D

$31,000 R Vandegrift Williams Farms $20,000 D Vaffle House International Inc. $90,000 R

GAMBLING

American Gaming Association $20,000 D Bally’s Casino Holdings Inc. $188,905 D Arthur Goldberg $35,000 D Boyd Gaming Corp. $37,500 R Butler National Corp. $20,000 R Cabazon Band of Mission Indians $55,000 D Cadeau Express Inc. $20,000 R Casino Association of New Jersey $21,000 D Circus Circus Enterprises Inc. $54,744 D

$35,000 R Frank Fertitta Jr. $230,000 R Grand Casinos Inc. $23,000 R GTech Corp. $49,774 D

$180,043 R Harrah’s Operating Co. $25,000 D Promus Companies Inc. $75,000 R Hollywood Park $35,000 R Interface Group Inc. $22,500 D

$120,000 R Sheldon Adelson $25,000 R International Game Technology $22,500 R John Koza $180,250 D Lady Luck Gaming Finance Corp. $24,000 R Little Six Inc. $20,000 D Marnell Corrao Associates $130,000 R Mashantucket Pequot Tribe $465,000 D

$100,000 R R.D. Hubbard Enterprises $25,000 R WMS Industries Inc. $20,000 D Steve Wynn $25,000 R Mirage Resorts Inc. $25,000 R Golden Nugget $230,000 R

HEALTH CARE

ADS Management Inc. $82,900 D American Ambulance & Oxygen $55,000 D American College of Emergency Physicians $39,000 R American Dental Association $63,700 D

$89,617 R American Health Care Association $22,863 R American Hospital Association $122,550 D

$52,027 R American Medical Association $62,750 D

$73,418 R American Occupational Therapy Association $21,500 D

$29,250 R American Osteopathic Healthcare Association $23,188 R American Physical Therapy Association $23,326 R American Society of Cataract & Refractive Surgery $30,000 D Anesthesia Professional Association $52,000 D Don Angell $40,963 R Atlantic Systems Inc. Managed Healthcare Systems $66,000 D

$30,000 R Edgar Rios $20,000 D Beatrice Welters $20,000 D Baxter Healthcare Corp. $30,000 R William Graham $75,000 R Beverly Enterprises Inc. $61,000 D A.W. Bhatti, M.D. $30,000 D Brewster Ambulance Service $20,000 D Cancer Treatment Centers $35,000 R Care Florida Health Systems Inc. $35,000 D Paul Cejas $50,000 D Caremark International Inc. $30,034 R Century Care Management Inc. $30,000 D Rajiv Chandra, M.D. $23,000 R Community Care Systems Inc. $26,000 D Day Surgicenters Inc. $25,000 R Direct Health Inc. $145,000 D Direct Selling Association $24,250 R Doctors Diagnostic Services $33,000 D FHP Health Care $26,800 D

$80,000 R First Hospital Corp. $107,800 D Arnold Friedman $30,000 D Golden Care Inc. $20,000 R Richard Gonzales, M.D. $200,000 D Abraham Gosman $50,000 D Healthcare Leadership Council $25,000 R Health Power Inc. $30,000 D Bernard and Susan Master $25,250 D Health Trust Inc. $30,000 D Healthcare COMPARE $34,000 D Healthsource Inc. $79,290 R Healthsouth Rehab Corp. $52,500 R Hospice Care Inc. $137,250 D Humana Hospital Inc. $52,000 D

$160,227 R ImageAmerica $25,000 D Integrated Health Services Inc. $226,908 D

$283,000 R Dr. Robert and Shirlene Elkins $50,500 D Alice Kandell, M.D. $25,320 D David Mandelbaum $25,000 D Manor Care Inc. $51,000 D John McGovern $35,000 R Medco Behavioral Care Corp. $105,000 R Albert Waxman $50,000 R Metropolitan Washington Orthopaedic Association $62,940 R Adib Mikhail, M.D. $51,465 R Harold Moffie $32,500 D National Council of Community Hospitals $25,000 R North Broward Radiologists PA $20,000 D North Shore Surgical Oncology $20,262 R NovaCare Inc. $43,000 D PacifiCare Health Systems $29,000 D

$54,971 R Pediatrix $20,000 D Penn Orthopaedics Society $25,000 R Kenneth Rainin $77,400 R Jay Reibel, M.D. $102,000 R Steven Scott $120,000 D John Shea, M.D. $20,000 R Sunrider International Corp. $120,000 R Jerome Tannebaum $20,000 D Josephine Templeton, M.D. $20,000 R United HealthCare Corp. $37,000 R U.S. Healthcare Inc. $30,000 R U.S. Surgical Corp. $104,800 D

$287,400 R Robert Wallace, M.D. $35,000 D

IDEOLOGICAL

104th Congress Celebration Committee $20,000 R Agents of Good Government $20,000 D H.F. Ahmanson & Co. $21,500 R Americans for Freedom of CIH $20,000 R Tucker Andersen $50,000 R Aubum Republican Assembly $50,000 R Campaign America $35,000 R Friedkin Industries Inc. $105,050 D Georgia Republican Party $35,000 R Ann Getty $128,000 D GOPAC $347,658 R Steven and Barbara Grossman $273,741 D Hebrew Vocational Institute $60,000 R Lawyers for the Republic $50,000 R Ellen Malcolm $76,000 D Alida Rockefeller Messinger $300,000 D National Committee to Preserve Social Security $78,175 D

$29,230 R National Rifle Association $348,300 R Oneida Tribe of Indians of Wisconsin $23,000 D Carol Pensky $30,300 D Blanchette Rockefeller (deceased) $100,000 D Sandra Ferry $100,000 D Roosevelt Memorial Park Inc. $35,000 D Margaret Schink $100,000 D Elaine Schuster $35,000 D Candace Straight $66,500 R

INSURANCE

Ad-Ventures Inc. $309,000 R Aetna Life Insurance Co. Inc. $37,000 D

$107,000 R AFLAC Inc. $164,787 D

$187,077 R Alfa Mutual Insurance Co. $242,881 R Alliance of American Insurers $21,500 R Allstate Insurance Co. $45,000 R American Council of Life Insurance $75,225 D

$140,871 R American General Life Insurance Co. $30,000 R American General Corp. $25,000 R American Insurance Association $72,000 D

$96,575 R American International Group Inc. $194,500 R American Life & Accident Insurance Co. $45,000 R American Security Insurance Co. $100,000 R Blue Cross & Blue Shield Association $187,271 D

$341,233 R Central Reserve Life Insurance Co. $25,000 R Chubb & Son Inc. $100,500 R CIGNA Corp. $30,000 R Colonial Companies $53,890 R Colonial Life & Accident Insurance $41,650 D Consumers Protective Life Insurance Co. $25,000 D Farmers Insurance Group $58,595 R Foremost Insurance Co. $25,000 R Arthur Glatfelter $30,000 D Steven Gluckstern $30,000 D Golden Rule Financial Corp. $46,000 D

$263,775 R Great-West Life Assurance $140,000 R Robert Gumbiner, M.D. $55,000 D Health Insurance Association of America $27,400 D

$39,315 R Mr. and Mrs. Glen Holden $151,900 R Home Builders Insurance Services Inc. $75,000 R Independent Insurance Agents of America Inc. $22,400 D Insurance Company of North America $100,000 R Walter Kaye $151,549 D Leucadia National Corp. $30,000 D Ian Cumming $180,000 D Leon Levy $50,000 D Peter Lewis $281,300 D Liberty Mutual Insurance $20,250 R Mass Indemnity & Life Insurance $20,000 R Mass Mutual Life Insurance $110,134 R Metropolitan Life Insurance Co. $190,500 D

$121,500 R Mortgage Insurance Companies of America $44,500 R Mutual of Omaha Insurance Co. $73,300 D

$181,500 R Nationwide Insurance $26,295 R New York Life Insurance Co. $80,200 R Pacific Mutual Corp. $25,000 D Michael Palm $40,000 D PIE Mutual Insurance Co. $262,000 R PMA Group $25,000 R Carlos Portes $75,250 D Preferred Compensation Corp. $47,827 R Protective Life Corp. $50,000 D

$50,000 R Prudential Insurance Co. of America $155,000 D

$56,950 R Prudential Securities Inc. $35,000 D

$241,500 R Bernard Rapaport $160,000 D Redland Group $50,000 R William Regan $20,000 R Regions Finacial Corp. $25,000 R Reliance Group Holdings Inc. $190,000 R Ryan Holding Corp. $25,000 R Schoenke & Associates Corp. $54,000 D Sedgwick James Inc. $82,000 R George Skipper $20,000 R Henry Smith $92,400 R Torchmark Corp. $124,500 R Transamerica Insurance $32,000 D Travelers Group $50,000 D

$86,000 R United Coastal Insurance Co. $20,000 R W. Clement Stone Enterprises $30,000 R Mr. and Mrs. Hirsch Wolf $20,000 D

LABOR

AFL-CIO $230,250 D Air Line Pilots Association $137,400 D Amalgamated Transit Union $20,000 D American Federation of Government Employees $121,074 D American Federation of State, County & Municipal Employees $996,944 D American Federation of Teachers $537,200 D American Maritime Officers Service $30,330 R American Postal Workers Union $391,250 D Bricklayers & Allied Craftsmen $85,000 D Building and Construction Trades $69,500 D California State Employees Association $40,000 D Communications Workers of America $574,585 D Hotel & Restaurant Employees Internation Union $241,500 D

$55,000 R IBPAT Political League Education Fund $85,000 D International Association of Bridge, Structural and Omamental Iron Workers $262,250 D International Association of Fire Fighters $152,304 D

$23,700 R International Association of Machinists & Aerospace Workers $402,385 D International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers $407,150 D International Brotherhood of Teamsters $143,400 D International Ladies Garment Workers Union $25,250 D International Union Bricklayers & Allied Craftsmen $170,000 D International Union of Operating Engineers $123,750 D Laborers’ International Union of North America $663,150 D Arthur Coia $50,000 D Marine Engineers Beneficial Association $130,000 D

$45,500 R National Air Traffic Controllers Association $55,000 D National Association of Letter Carriers $206,200 D National Education Association $1,132,913 D National Union of Hospital and Health Care Employees $250,000 D Retail Wholesale & Department Store Workers $25,000 D Seafarers International Union of North America $20,136 D Service Employees International Union $644,675 D Sheet Metal Workers International Association $432,000 D Signalmen’s Political League $25,000 D David Steiner $157,050 D Transportation Communications International Union $32,150 D United Auto Workers $562,047 D United Brotherhood of Carpenters & Joiners $146,575 D United Food & Commercial Workers International $491,252 D United Mineworkers of America $75,375 D United Steelworkers of America $624,026 D United Teachers of Dade COPE $24,500 D

LAWYERS/LOBBYISTS

Adomo & Zeder PA, Attorneys at Law $31,000 D Bernard Aidinoff $30,650 D Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld $196,500 D

$132,000 R Association of Trial Lawyers of America $166,000 D

$70,000 R Elizabeth Bagley $20,000 D Kenneth Bailey $80,000 D Baker & Hostetler $53,450 R Baldwin & Baldwin $20,000 D Baron & Budd PC $39,000 D Barrack Rodos & Bacine $120,000 D Roger Barth $20,000 R Berger & Moutague Daniel Berger $92,250 D David Berger $32,200 D Bernard Bergreen PC $50,000 D Bernard Bergreen $180,000 D Judge Harry Bigbee $30,000 D Black Manafort Stone & Kelley $26,450 D

$52,478 R Blank Rome Comisky & McCauley $26,300 D Harry Brittenham $25,000 D Brownstein Hyatt Farber & Strickland $47,000 D Burson-Marsteller $39,683 D

$30,000 R Lawrence Buttenweiser $37,500 D Peter Buttenweiser $30,500 D Michael Caddell $155,000 D Tracy Conwell $80,000 D Cantilo Maisel & Hubbard LLP $50,000 D Cassidy & Associates Inc. $48,800 D

$31,750 R Climaco Seminatore Lefkowitz & Garofoli $37,900 R David Cofrin $40,000 D Joseph Cotchett $20,000 D Hugh Culverhouse $25,000 D Dyer, Ellis, Joseph & Mills $20,746 R E. Bruce Harrison Co. Inc. $70,394 R Joseph Flom $75,000 D Gardner Carton & Douglas $22,406 D Gary, Williams, Parenti, Finney & Lewis $50,000 D Lee Godfrey $72,300 D C. Boyden Gray $101,500 R Greenberg, Traurig, Askew, Hoffman $32,600 D Greene, Broillet, Taylor & Wheeler $75,000 D Greene & Zinner $21,740 R Greenfield & Chimicles $60,000 D Hecht Spencer & Oglesby $20,904 R Hill & Knowlton Inc. $53,250 D

$31,000 R Hogan & Hartson, Attorneys at Law $47,000 D

$77,000 R Horn, Goldberg, Gomy, Daniels, Paarz & Plack $30,000 D Hyjek & Fix Inc. $30,300 D John Irwin $55,000 R Robert Joffe $70,000 D Richard Johnston $50,000 D Franklin Jones $80,000 D Kaplan & Kilsheimer $30,000 D William Kil $30,000 R Thomas Kranz $75,863 R Leesfield Leighton Rubio & Hillencamp $30,250 D Laurence Levine $20,000 D Loeffer & Leath Inc $25,000 R Tom Loeffler $61,727 R Manatt Phelps & Philips $21,000 D Mayer Brown & Platt $32,000 D

$47,000 R Gerald McGowan $35,000 D Milberg, Weiss, Bershad, Hynes, & Lerach William Lerach $382,500 D Star Soltan $45,000 D Melvyn Weiss $190,000 D Mintz, Levin, Cohn & Ferris PC $34,000 D

$20,000 R Jiro Murase $60,000 D Ness Motley Loadholt Richardson & Poole $95,000 D Harold and Carol Mix $160,000 D David Nutt $80,000 D Opperman Heins & Paquin $25,000 D Parker Milliken Clark & Samueli $70,000 R Fred Parks $52,440 R Cary Patterson $100,000 D Patton Boggs & Blow $54,000 D Paul Shearman Allen & Associates $32,827 R Alfred Pierce $100,000 D John Quinn $45,000 D Wayne Reaud $100,000 D Edward Ricci $29,000 D Nelson Roach $80,000 D Robinson & Philips $55,000 D Rogers & Wells $32,000 R Anton Rosenthal $27,690 R Rubin & Rudman $30,000 D Marshall Sachs $65,000 D Arthur Schechter PC $57,885 D Richard Schibell $25,000 D Shapo Freedman & Fletcher $31,000 D Sills Cummis Zuckerman Radin Tischman $90,950 D Squire Sanders & Dempsey $73,000 D

$96,926 R Sullivan & Liapakis PC $120,000 D Stephen Susman $32,500 D Thorsnes Bartolotta McGuire $25,000 D David Treen $31,827 R U.S. Strategies Corp. $27,050 D

$45,000 R Vemer Liipfert Bernhard McPherson $66,700 D

$97,225 R Waite Schneider Bayless and Chesley $307,000 D Walter Umphrey Law Firm $30,000 D Barrett Weinberger $41,750 D William White $25,000 D Wiley Rein & Fielding $40,400 R Williams & Jensen PC $33,303 R John Williams $60,000 D Edwin Williamson $22,000 R

MANUFACTURING

3M General Offices $24,000 R ACX Technologies Inc. $20,000 R Alabama River Woodlands Inc. $25,000 D Don Alexander $100,000 R Gerald Allen $80,000 R Allied Nut & Bolt Co. Inc. $25,290 R Allied-Signal Inc. $24,400 D

$31,210 R Alpase Inc. $20,650 D American Bag Manufacturing Inc. $20,000 D American Cement Trade Alliance Inc. $56,000 D

$78,000 R American Fiber Manufacturers Association Inc. $46,950 D American Greetings Corp. $58,117 D American Home Products Corp. $50,000 R Leo Jardot $50,000 R American International Inc. $60,000 D American Iron & Steel Institute $40,000 D American Portland Cement Alliance Inc. $60,500 D

$77,950 R American Standard Inc. $90,000 R Amway Corp. $2,560,000 R Richard DeVos $150,000 R Jay Van Andel $100,000 R Anchor LithKemko $20,000 R Ronald Ansin $41,000 D Arizona Chemical $20,000 R Asarco Inc. $24,500 R Asea Brown Boveri Inc. $73,575 D

$60,000 R Andy Athens $25,000 R Avondale Industries Inc. $44,500 R Dexter Baker $77,400 R Beaulieu of America Inc. $75,000 R Belding Hemingway Co. Inc. $20,000 R Bengal Chemical Inc. $60,000 R Dennis Berman $130,100 R BET Services Inc. $20,000 R Beta Steel Corp. $200,000 D Bethlehem Steel Corp. $125,000 D

$150,000 R B.F. Goodrich Co. $25,000 R Big Sky Lumber Co. $40,000 R Blount Inc. $50,000 R Bollinger Machine Shop & Shipyards $147,425 R Bradford White Corp. $42,500 R Braxton Inc. $25,000 R Braxton Manufacturing Co. Inc. $25,000 R David Brennan $152,000 R Ely Callaway $50,000 D Carpenter Co. $50,000 R Caterpillar Inc. $40,000 R Chemical Manufacturers Association $99,525 D

$144,892 R Clorox Co. $20,000 R Coastal Paper Co. $62,500 R Cold Spring Granite Co. $30,000 R COLSA Corp. $39,000 D William Conley $90,827 R Contran Corp. $251,000 R Country Curtains $45,000 R Crown Equipment Corp. $100,000 R C.S. Brooks Canada Inc. $20,660 R C.S. Brooks Corp. $21,500 R William Davidson $25,000 R Detroit Center Tool Inc. $20,000 R Diagnostic Retrieval Systems Inc. $58,500 D Dial Corp $90,000 R Digital Equipment Corp. $40,000 D Diversified Business Technologies $27,450 R Dow Chemical Co. $55,800 D

$241,000 R Dresser Industries Inc. $60,000 R Earle M. Jorgenson Co. $20,000 R Eastman Chemical Co. $90,000 D

$68,000 R Eastman Kodak Co. $44,000 R E.I. du Pont De Nemours & Co. Inc. $25,000 D

$53,000 R Electronic Data Systems Corp. $94,011 D

$131,950 R Electronic Industries Association $41,625 D

$55,250 R Electro-Wire Products Inc. $25,000 R Thomas Wheeler $125,500 R Fabricated Metal Products Inc. $50,000 D Julie Fishelson $85,000 D William Flaherty $175,000 R Flexi-van Leasing Inc. $50,000 R Sam Fox $215,739 R Fruit of the Loom Inc. $102,000 R Gates Corp. $75,000 R Stan Gault $45,000 R GenCorp Aerojet $41,500 D

$44,062 R General Dynamics Corp. $26,430 D

$120,627 R General Electric Co. $225,525 D

$177,827 R GE Financial Services Operation $84,900 R Geon Co. $20,000 R Georgia-Pacific Corp. $91,000 D

$144,270 R Giant Group Ltd. $33,333 R Great Plains Supply Inc. $25,000 R Growth Industrial Enterprises Inc. $154,254 R Guardian Industries Corp. $80,000 D

$75,000 R Guess Inc. $60,000 D Hallmark Cards Inc. $53,897 R Harris Chemical North America $100,000 D Haworth Inc. $40,000 R Henley Group Inc. $50,000 D

$190,000 R Abex Inc. $35,000 R Bayberry Management Corp. $100,000 D Robert Hermann $25,000 R Hertz Computer Corp. $23,175 D Robert Hiler $27,500 R James Houghton $54,000 R Hoya Corp. $25,000 R Huntsman Chemical Corp. $100,000 R ICI Americas Inc. $137,360 D

$134,533 R Zeneca Inc.c $60,750 D Inland Steel Industries $105,200 R International Paper Co. $30,000 D Katherine Issa $90,000 R Jaguar Golf Manufacturing Corp. $61,000 R Samuel Johnson $75,000 R Kirchman Corp. $25,000 R Kenneth Kirchman $142,400 R Alan Kligerman $130,500 D Kohler Co. $55,000 R LAU Technologies $40,250 D Leggett & Platt Inc. $44,000 R Fred Lennon $570,000 R Litton Industries $31,600 D

$51,727 R Litton Systems Inc. $30,250 D Martin Marietta Corp. $89,500 D

$136,000 R Longaberger Co. $40,250 D Louisiana-Pacific Corp. $130,000 R Lyondell Petrochemical Co. $115,000 R Macalloy Corp. $30,000 R Mag Instrument Inc. $96,275 R Manufactured Housing Institute $25,250 D Mattel Inc. $26,500 D McDonnell Douglas $133,850 D

$115,355 R Metrosound USA Inc. $22,500 D Monsanto Co. $59,200 R Montenay International Corp. $50,000 D Parker Montgomery $95,000 R Morrison Knudsen Corp. $25,000 R M&W Pump Co. $100,827 R National Steel Corp. $30,000 D Nevamar Corp. $20,000 R New Hampshire Oak Inc. $257,000 D NRG Barriers Inc. $25,000 D O’Neal Steel Inc. $20,000 R Bob O’Neal $20,000 R Owens-Coming Fiberglass Corp. $44,500 R Owens-Illinois Inc. $40,000 D Parsons & Whitemore Inc. $155,000 D Pentron Inc. $30,000 R Philpp Brothers Chemicals Inc. $25,000 D Jack Bendheim $77,000 D Ply Gem Industries Inc. $190,000 R Polyisocyanurate Insulation Manufacturers Association $24,150 D Premark International Inc. $45,000 D

$176,685 R Premium Allied Tool Inc. $33,000 R Proter & Gamble Manufacturing $30,000 D PVS Chemicals Inc. $25,000 R Mitch Rales $50,000 R Rayrock Mines Inc. $20,000 R Raytheon Co. $27,174 R RB Pamplin Corp. $40,000 R Redmond Products Inc. $25,000 R Tom Redmond $65,000 R Reebok International Ltd. $25,000 D Tony Rhee $25,000 R Rockwell International Corp. $31,000 R S Acquistion Corp. $20,000 R Samsung Electronics America Inc. $40,000 R Bernard Schwartz $365,500 D Science Applications International Corp. $77,200 D

$38,200 R Sicpa Securink Corp. $73,950 R Mrs. John Silverthome $28,000 R Smurfit Plastic Packaging Inc. $20,000 R Society of the Plastics Industry Inc. $122,500 D

$92,115 R Soloflex $29,900 D South Florida Industries Inc. $20,000 D Spalding & Evenflo Cos. Inc. $145,000 R State Industries Inc. $45,000 D

$138,000 R Stedo White Stag Actionsports $37,500 R Sterling Software $145,000 R Swat Inc. $115,000 D Bruce Stem $50,000 D Summit Technology Inc. $89,995 D Symons Corp. $77,000 R Memill Nash $22,327 R Tappan Corp $25,000 R Texlon Corp. $60,000 R Textron $172,800 D

$302,700 R William Timken $22,400 R TRW Inc. $100,863 R Unified Industries Inc. $20,000 D Union Carbide Corp. $53,000 D Unistrut Corp. $22,594 R United Technologies Corp. $147,300 D

$161,000 R U.S. Stell Corp. $34,000 D USX Corp. $21,000 D Video Lottery Technologies Inc. $25,000 R Wamaco Inc. $177,500 R Linda Wachner $96,200 R Thomas Watson (deceased) $150,000 D

$84,000 R Weirton Steel Corp. $20,000 D Westlake Group $30,000 R Windemere Corp. $190,000 D Windway Capital Corp. $82,500 R Worthington Industries Corp. $23,834 R W.R. Grace & Co. $47,500 D

$128,400 R Xerox Corp. USA $81,732 D

$101,500 R

MEDIA & ENTERTAINMENT

Adelphia Communications $44,750 R Gary Allison $80,000 D American Publishing Service $40,000 R Walter Annenberg $200,000 R Don Barden $50,250 D Balck Entertainment Television $72,500 D Richard Blach $45,000 D Boomberg LP $20,000 R Michael Bloomberg $75,000 D Edward Byme $45,000 D Campbell Mithum Esty $20,000 R Joseph Cayre $30,000 D Joan Ridder Challinor $47,850 D Chevy Chase $35,000 D Corridor Broadcasting Corp. $63,825 D Cox Enterprises Inc. Barbara Cox Anthony $80,000 D Ann Cox Chambers $100,000 D Mary Kay Crain $132,500 R Nathan Crain $37,060 R Creative Artists Agency Inc. $27,000 D CTI Resources Inc. $125,000 D Bill Daniels $199,000 R Marvin Davis $40,000 D Barry Diller $50,000 D Don King Productions Inc. $40,350 R Earl G. Graves Publishing Co. $20,000 D Edward Elson $40,000 D Ahmet Ertegun $20,000 D Alfred Estrada $180,000 D Fred Eychaner $115,000 D Frederick Field $158,250 D Films Inc. $35,150 D Forbes Foundation $25,000 R Forbes Inc. $50,000 R Edward Gaylord $40,000 R David Geffen $340,000 D Gary Goldberg $20,000 D Hachette Magazines Inc. $24,745 R William Hall $102,400 R Lionel Hampton $31,084 R Neil Hirsch $100,000 D Dustin Hoffman $25,000 D Home Shipping Network Inc. $35,000 D Alan Horn $155,000 R International Family Entertainment Irvin Feld & Kenneth Feld Productions $30,500 R Jon Peters Organization $80,000 D Jones Intercable Inc. $55,000 R Judith Krantz $20,000 D LDDS Metromedia Communications Inc. $77,500 D Loews Corp. $76,000 D

$55,000 R CNA Financial Corp. $85,000 R Thomas Deyulial $25,000 R Jonathan Tisch $75,000 D Steven Tisch $105,000 D Jean Mason III $65,000 D MCA Inc. $56,273 D

$35,000 R Sidney Sheinberg $220,000 D Lew Wasseman $357,730 D Bruce McNall $25,000 R Philip Merril $60,000 R Miramax Films Corp. $276,000 D Mr. and Mrs. Douglas Morris $20,000 D Jerome Mass $50,000 D Mozark Productions $60,000 D National Association of Broadcasters $43,250 D Paul Newman $25,000 D News Corp. News America Publishing Inc. $215,000 R Twentieth Century Fox Film Corp. $60,000 D

$86,500 R Oklahoma Publishing Co. $55,000 R Pacific Theaters Agency $20,000 D A. Jerrod Perenchio $30,000 R PGA Tour $36,500 D Sydney Pollack $20,000 D Abe Pollin $40,000 D Robert Reiner $20,000 D Thomas “Dusty” Rhodes $30,000 R Denise Rich $265,000 D Haim Saban $65,000 D Sony Corp. of America $173,650 D

$110,000 R Peter Guber $75,000 D Sony Music Entertainment Inc. $20,000 R Sony Pictures Entertainment Inc. $40,000 D Steven Spieberg $200,000 D Mr. and Mrs. David Stem $75,000 D Barbara Streisand $55,000 D Stephen Swid $123,000 D Time Warner $145,583 D

$285,000 R Oded and Ester Aboodi $25,000 D Merv Adelson $56,000 D Robert Daly $50,000 D Robert Morgado $25,000 D Morris Ostin $50,000 D Steven Ross (deceased) $90,000 D M. Mac Schwebel $50,000 D Terry Semel $85,000 D Bert Wasserman $25,000 D Times Books Inc. $50,000 R Grant Tinker $20,000 D Tracinda Corp. $20,000 R Tribune Broadcasting Co. $39,000 D Howard Tullman $50,000 D TVF Ventures Inc. $67,400 R USA Direct Inc. $30,000 R Viacom International $157,500 D

$50,000 R Blockbuster Entertainment Corp. $42,500 D National Amusements Inc. $32,500 D Paramount Communications $37,000 D

$20,000 R Summer Redstone $20,000 D Von Hoffman Press $50,000 R Frank Bownman $25,000 R Walt Disney Co. $143,000 D

$96,000 R Capital Cities/ABC Inc. $27,500 D John Cooke $36,207 D Jeffrey Katzenberg $215,000 D Frank Wells (deceased) $25,000 D Westinghouse Electric Corp. $2,000 D

$33,000 R John Hay $20,000 R William Morris Agency $25,000 D Carl Williams $178,600 R World African Network $52,000 D Gail Zappa $140,000 D

MISCELLANEOUS BUSINESS

1345 Cleaning Service Co. $25,000 R 3 5 East Corp. $25,000 R ADP $20,000 R Adspecs $26,200 R AES Corp. Dennis Bakke $155,000 D A.J. Corbett & Sons Inc. $30,000 D Alascom $25,000 R Albert Elovitz Inc. $33,600 R American Hotel & Motel Association $75,250 D

$112,427 R John Angelides $25,000 D Ann Ascher Interiors Inc. $40,553 R Arkansas International Development Corp. $25,000 D C.J. Giror $23,000 D Atlantic Draperies $20,000 R Automated Intelligent Systems Inc. $91,000 D Johnny Chung $175,000 D Baldwin & Lyons Inc. $20,000 R BASF Corp. $33,000 R BDM International Inc. $31,080 D

$30,240 R Bermello Ajamil & Partner $30,000 D B.F. Saul Co. $30,000 R Billingsley Co. $30,000 R Bozell Worldwide Inc. $82,000 R Bridge Road Co. $25,000 R Earle Palmer Brown $27,500 D Bud Smith Organization Corp. $65,000 R Builtland Partners $50,000 R Burgess & Nipple Engineer Ltd. $26,000 R Caribbean Advisory Services Inc. $20,000 D CC-Ops Inc. $20,250 D Centrum X Corp. $20,000 R Charterhouse Group International $25,000 R David Cherry $41,725 R Chy Corp. $20,000 D Clark & Weinstock Inc. $60,000 R Club Corp. of America $20,000 R Combined Systems Technology Inc. $33,075 D Commsource International Inc. $50,000 D Computer Sciences Corp. $52,297 R Corrections Corp. $20,000 R John Cullinane $30,000 D Da Tung Trading Co. $70,000 D Daihatsu International Trading Inc. $57,500 D Charlie Trie $60,000 D Desola Group Inc. $40,000 R Deux Michael $22,615 D Development Funding International Corp. $70,000 R DFS Guam $25,000 D Barbara Lee Diamondstein-Spielvogel $70,000 D Carl Spielvogel $140,650 D Edward Diefenthal $50,000 R Jon Holden Dohaan $100,000 R Dam Domb $120,000 D DSC Communications Corp. $50,000 D

$57,000 R DST Systems Inc. $20,000 R Dunavant Enterprises $20,000 D Dykema Gossett Co. $26,000 R East Hampton Travel Agency $50,000 D Robin Eber $32,500 D Lawrence Ellison $75,000 D Employee Benefit Plans Inc. $25,000 R EntreCore Inc. $20,000 D Evergreen International Corp. $20,000 R Don Evins $50,000 R Richard Farmer $285,000 R FEA/United Tiger $22,500 D Fed-Comm International Inc. $285,877 R Michael Fedderson $55,000 D Federal Express Corp. $218,500 D

$193,944 R FEDSMAR $28,886 R Julie Hamm Finley $166,826 R Florists’ Transworld Delivery (FTD) Inc. $36,765 D

$93,615 R Franklin Enterprises Inc. $20,000 R George Valassis $20,000 R Friess Associates Inc. $30,265 R Richard Fuisz $100,000 D Morton Funger & Norma Lee $20,000 D Future Tech International Inc. $210,000 D Ghafari Associates Inc. $55,500 R Sarah Glikenhas $25,000 D GMP Associates Inc. $35,000 D

$40,000 R

F.D. Gottwald $30,000 R Grace Washington Inc. $85,344 R Grand Hyatt $20,931 R Guardmark Inc. $20,000 R Gertrude Mary Joan Haig $27,500 R Hallmark/Ghormley Co. $20,000 R Hardball Inc. $20,000 R Hargrove $20,000 R Ronald Harris $25,000 D Harrison Conference Service Inc. $20,000 R Health & Tennis Corp. of America $25,000 D Hermes Enterprises Ltd. $50,000 D T.J. Highlander $50,000 D Hill Holliday Connors Inc. Advertisin $45,000 D Hill Williams Development Corp. $25,000 R Hilton Hotels Corp. $49,600 D

$35,475 R Home Interiors & Gifts $40,000 R H&R Block Inc. $46,500 D

$46,500 R Wen-Jen Huang $30,000 D Clifford Hudson $30,000 D Ijaz Group Inc. $80,000 D Imperial Marketing Inc. $36,000 R International Marketing Bureau $598,770 R Intertech Corp. $36,000 D Jill Iscol $30,000 D Henry Ittleson $26,000 R Ivey Cos. $50,000 D Japan Green Stamp America Inc. $97,500 D John Goodman & Associates Inc. $22,500 R Robert John and Mary Worts Peiffer $25,000 R Johnson Controls Inc. $75,000 R Jones International Ltd. $50,000 R Richard Joutras $40,000 R Kaman Corp. $28,000 R Pauline Kanchanalak $47,500 D Kate Edelman International $30,000 D Kennecott Corp. $26,150 R Mitchell Kertzman $60,000 D Korn/Ferry International Inc. $30,000 R Ruben Lebron $30,000 D Legent Corp. Joe Henson $29,000 D Mario Morino $30,000 D Boyd Baker Lewis $30,000 D Litigation Sciences Inc. $82,500 R Edward Lozick $60,000 R LP Thebault Co. $35,300 R Don Madden $50,000 D Market Cos. $24,000 R Marmalade Inc. $40,000 R Marriot Corp. $30,000 D

$396,000 R Richard Marriot $25,000 R Robert McDonough $101,000 D McInemy Leasing $50,000 D Midcon Management Corp. $20,000 R John Moores $280,000 D

MSGEP Co. $20,000 R Ralph Nagel $75,000 R National Association of Wholesale Distributors $78,002 R NEC Technologies Inc. $100,000 D Peter & Eileen Norton $305,000 D Olan Mills II $75,000 D Optima Direct Inc. $27,850 R Parsons Corp. $60,000 R Norman Joel Pattoz $100,000 D Paul Magliocchetti Associates Inc. $20,000 D Personalized Marketing Communications $23,250 R Joseph Petrone $41,952 R David Price $112,400 R Printing Industries of America $30,980 R Ridgeway Enterprises Inc. $60,500 R Juan Roca $25,000 R Mrs. Lyle Roll $22,500 R Roses Inc. $47,000 R RST Marketing Associates Inc. $27,500 R Rubin Systems Inc. $20,000 D Scrupples Janitorial Services $22,500 D Seckman Printing Inc. $22,500 R SerVaas Inc. $61,100 R Sheet Metal & Air Conditioning Contractor $28,000 D

$63,482 R Paul Singer $75,000 R Jeffrey Soref $30,000 D Stallion USA Inc. $150,000 D Richard Stem $24,550 D Stone & Webster Inc. $22,000 R Benjamin Suarez $100,000 R Sulzer Bros Inc. $29,750 R Summa Resources Inc. $25,000 R Sunbelt Corp. $20,000 D Supra & Co. $40,000 D Symbolic Systems Inc. $20,870 R Taylor Corp. $50,000 R Thomas J. Lankford Inc. $24,000 R Thompson Tractor and Hall Thompson $50,000 R Ticketmaster $80,000 R Todhunter International $59,500 D Yah Lin Trie $20,000 D Unique Products Inc. $30,688 R United Parcel Service (UPS) $49,450 D

$157,534 R USA Global Ltd. $26,707 R Value Line Inc. $56,000 R Wackenhut Corp. $22,000 D Winifred Vedder $30,000 R Wireless Advantage Inc. $35,000 D Arief Wiriadinata $45,000 D Soraya Wiriadinata $45,000 D Kenneth Wynn $25,000 D Mrs. Sihwarni Wynn $25,000 D

OTHER

Catherine Adler $25,000 R Anne Bartley $26,300 D Anne Stuart Batchelder $35,771 R James Belcher $50,000 D Robert Bleier $57,000 R Hilda Bretzlaff $20,000 R Gladys Cofrin $130,000 D Mary Ann Cofrin $46,000 D Robert Cummins $25,000 R Jeanne Gardner $20,000 R Mendel Gottleib $32,000 R Agnes Gund $26,000 D Margaret Hardin $31,827 R Elsie Hillman $24,000 R Patricia Hotung $79,980 D International Outreach Association $50,000 D Hattie Jackson $24,463 R Jeremy Jacobs $20,000 R Erica Jesselson $20,000 D Robert Klas $95,000 R Benjamin Landa $22,000 R Lawrence Lewis Jr. $22,000 R Vera List $44,000 D Martin Massman $30,000 R Mrs. Chase Mishkin $52,000 D Herman Oberlander $25,000 R Seung Kyu Park $25,000 D Bernard Rapoport $160,000 D Marcos Rodriguez $80,000 R Christorpher Ross $30,000 D Izak Seidenfeld $35,000 R Joel Smilow $25,000 R Donald Smith $50,000 D Jaques Wajsfelner $20,892 R Diane Weiss $30,000 D Mrs. Wesley West $48,455 R Charles White $34,916 R

PHARMACEUTICAL

Abbott Laboratories $31,000 R Daniel Abraham $211,500 D Slim Fast Foods Co. $100,000 R American Cyanamid Co. $46,750 R Amgen Inc. $35,000 D

$100,000 R Bristol-Myers Squibb Co. $26,500 D

$90,000 R Burroughs Wellcome Co. $120,000 R CIBA-GEIGY Corp. $161,000 R Connaught Laboratories Inc. $30,000 D

$29,000 R Dupont Merck Pharmaceutical $25,000 R Eli Lily & Co. $58,000 D

$203,300 R FoxMeyer Corp. $147,000 R FoxMeyer Drug Co. $104,750 R GDSearle & Co. $25,500 D

$62,400 R Genentech Inc. $55,000 D

Girgenti Hughes Butler & Tell $20,000 D Glaxo Inc. $145,325 D

$213,725 R Hoffman-La Roche Inc. $55,000 R Human Genome Sciences Inc. $25,000 D ICN Pharmaceuticals Inc. $30,000 D Milan Panic $100,000 D IVAX Corp. Philip Frost $40,000 D Patricia Frost $40,000 D Frost-Nevada Ltd. $20,000 D Johnson & Johnson $41,500 R KABI Pharmacia Diagnostic $25,000 D Michael Keiser $151,500 R Marion Merrell Dow Inc. $78,500 D

$118,327 R Merck & Co. Inc. $76,000 R Miles Inc. $25,000 R Minntech Corp. $30,000 R Mylan Laboratories Inc. $75,000 R National Association of Chain Drug Stores $46,500 D

$161,159 R National Association of Retail Druggists $52,949 D National Intergroup Inc. $137,500 R Pfizer Inc. $76,300 D

$424,212 R Chuck Hardwick $76,300 D

$20,000 R Pharmaceutical Research & Manufacturers Association $49,950 D

$70,897 R Rhone-Poulenc Inc. $42,000 R Sandoz Pharmaceutical Corp. $26,750 D

$123,744 R Schering-Plough Corp. $165,000 R SmithKline Beecham Corp. $93,700 D

$59,000 R Beatrice Snyder $50,000 D Sofamor Danek Group $20,000 D Syntex Laboratories Inc. $20,000 R Upjohn Co. $74,575 D

$103,863 R Warner-Lambert Co. $88,500 R Alejandro Zaffaroni, M.D. $132,500 D Lida Zaffaroni $31,500 D

POLITICOS

Herbert Barness $65,963 R Campaign Telecommunications Ltd. $60,000 R Justin Dart $24,793 R Democratic Party of Hawaii $50,000 D Florida Democratic Party $35,000 D Friends of Burris Committee $25,700 D Friends of Sen. Raymond J. Lesniak $50,000 D Sen. and Mrs. Thomas Frist $100,000 R Lucia Gilliland $41,000 D Pamela Harriman $30,650 D

Amory Houghton $35,863 R Michael Huffington $27,400 R Swanee Hunt $237,200 D Jefferson Group Inc. $26,475 R Kurt Schmoke Committee $20,000 D L.W. Lane $35,000 R Maddy for Senate 1990 $68,000 R Frederick Malek $125,000 R Chander Mashek $100,000 R Michigan Democratic State Central Committee $73,970 D Robert and Georgette Mosbacher $35,000 R New Jersey Democratic State Committee $100,000 D Paul Nitze $25,000 D Lawrence O’Brien III $117,750 D Elva O’Brien $22,250 D Pennsylvania Democratic State Committee $23,172 D Pete Wilson For Governor 1990 $100,000 R Rendell ’91 $57,500 D Republican County Committee of NYC $54,000 R Republican Party of Harris County $35,000 R Sen. John D. Rockfeller IV $50,000 D Laurence Rockefeller $82,500 R The Hon. Donald Rumsfeld $20,000 R Rockwell Schnabel $26,727 R Ann Sheffer $146,777 D Voinovich for Governor $55,000 R Victory 92 $71,850 D John Weinmann $35,000 R

REAL ESTATE & CONSTRUCTION

2-C Properties Carlos Herrera $50,000 D Adams County Asphalt $25,000 R Adler Group Inc. $55,000 D Frederick Adler $100,000 D Aecom Technology Corp. $20,000 D A.G. Spanos Construction $75,000 R Alex George Spanos $87,400 R AKT Development Corp. $70,000 D Alaska Interstate Construction $100,000 R American Building Maintenance $20,000 D American Road & Transportation Builders Association $27,500 R Jerome Ansel $131,200 R Arcand Co. $20,000 R George Argyros $135,000 R Associated Builders & Contractors Inc. $33,950 R Associated General Contractors of America $100,000 R Barlin Associates $40,000 R Bedford Avenue Realty Corp. $39,000 R Max Belding $21,000 R Norman Bernstein $20,000 D Betteroads Asphalt Co. $85,000 D Boston Capital Partners Inc. $91,500 D

$50,000 R John Manning $30,000 D Eli Broad $85,000 D Broad Hallow Estates Inc. $30,000 R William Cafaro $20,000 D John Cafaro $99,800 R William Polk Carey $120,000 R Castle & Cooke Properties Inc. $150,000 R Casto Investments Co. $25,000 D Century 21 Real Estate Corp. $20,297 R Joe Chapman $26,000 D Fouad Chartouni $25,000 D Chartwell Holdings $25,000 D Cherry Hill Construction Inc. $77,000 R C.J. Betters Properties $20,000 D Coalinga Corp. $20,000 R Charles Cobb $87,500 R Cobb Partners Inc. $35,000 R Continental Wingate Co. $30,000 D William Cooley $26,000 D Coronado Properties Ltd. $75,500 D Mia Costello-Serra $35,610 R Trammell Crow $108,600 R Harlan Crow $100,000 R Mill Creek Holdings Ltd. $35,000 R C.W. Conn Jr. $90,000 D D&L Realty $25,000 R Sam Dattel $20,250 D Del-Webb Corp. $41,000 R Devcon Realty Corp. Number 2 $25,000 R Llwyd Ecclestone $25,000 R EIC Group $48,827 R Engineering & Construction Services Inc. $103,600 D Fairfax Realty Inc. $28,588 R First Winthrop Corp. $75,000 D Zachary Fisher $25,000 D Fluor Corp. $50,025 D

$198,092 R Forest City Pierrepont $37,500 D Franwick Realty Corp. $30,000 R Cynthia Friedman $38,800 D Gentry Homes Ltd. $25,000 R Tom Gentry $25,000 R Gimrock Construction Inc. $30,000 D Glenborough Corp. $27,500 D Globetrotters Engineering Corp. $27,550 D Albert Glickman $67,401 R Murray Goodman $25,000 D

$30,000 R Kingdon Gould $75,000 R Barney Gottstein $50,000 D Hafif Properties $30,000 D Harbert Corp. $75,000 R Haverfield Corp. $21,000 D Buckner Hinkle $20,000 R Horne Properties Inc. $60,000 D ICF Kaiser International Inc. $79,500 D

$34,255 R International Council of Shopping Centers Inc. $74,300 D

$124,979 R Interstate General Co. LP $20,000 R Irvine Co. $31,000 D

$171,727 R Jacobs Engineering Group $40,000 R Joseph Jacobs $155,000 R JIm Skaggs Inc. $20,000 R Jim Walter Corp. $32,650 D Joseph C. Canizaro Interests $35,963 R Lawrence Kadish $303,700 R Philip Klutznick $55,000 D Kimbob Inc. $32,500 R George Klein $116,200 R Robert Kogod $20,000 D Krupp Cos. $25,000 R Nate Landow $62,500 D Thomas Lardner $25,000 D Julian LeCraw $130,000 R Le Gan Inc. $25,000 R M&M Contacting Inc. $30,000 R George Marcus $40,000 D Robert McNeil $40,000 R Mid America Group $20,000 R Herbert Miller $50,000 D Leonard Miller $100,000 R Mortgage Insurance Companies of America $29,800 D I.A. Naman $25,863 R National Association of Homebuilders $50,450 D

$122,800 R National Association of Real Estate Investment Trusts $22,506 D

$28,505 R National Association of Realtors $102,350 D

$73,000 R National Housing Center $23,054 R National Structured Settlements PAC $24,500 D Odebrecht Contractors of Florida Inc. $27,000 D

$33,000 R Oldcastle Inc. $21,000 R Olympus Holdings Inc. $25,000 D Peter Kiewit Sons’ Inc. $85,000 R John Price $73,050 R R.A. Hamilton Corp. $25,000 D Real Estate Analysis Corp. $45,400 D Red Apple Real Estate $20,000 D John Catsimatidis $25,000 D Related Companies of Florida $50,000 D Duane Roberts $82,400 R Rockefeller Group Inc. $80,000 R David Rockefeller $65,000 R Daniel Rose $26,250 D Steven Roth $25,000 D Louis Rudin $50,000 D

$30,000 R Fred Rzepka $50,000 D S.Margalt Realty $20,000 R Fred Sacher $100,000 R Kenneth and Lynne Sacher $30,000 R The Sembler Co. $30,000 R Mel Sembler $30,000 R Sheldon Cloobeck Enterprises Inc. $37,500 D Shorenstein Co. $108,680 D Agenda for the ’90s $341,000 D Walter Shorentein $280,000 D Herbert Simon and Diane Meyer $330,248 D Stout Group Ltd. $40,000 D Thomas Stout $25,000 D Julien Studley $85,000 D Alfred Taubman $30,000 R Texas Manufactured Housing Association $20,000 R Angelo Tsakopoulous $100,000 D Turner Industries Ltd. $20,750 R VPX Corp. Pauline Petre $102,400 R Gobriel Petre $50,000 R Portofino Group Inc. $25,000 D Walsh Higgins & Co. $20,000 D West Realty Co. $20,000 R Westfield Corp. Inc. $125,000 D Westloch Inc. $25,000 R Whitney Management Properties $100,000 R Wilfred Inc. $60,000 D Howard Wilkins $85,250 R Lynn Wolfsen $90,000 R Timothy and Sandra Wuliger $85,000 D Ronald Yordi $31,000 D

RETAIL

Mr. and Mrs. Eugene Applebaum $30,000 R B&G Designs/The GOP Shoppe $30,000 R Beauticontrol Cosmetics $20,000 R Boy’s Market Inc. $25,000 D Circuit City Stores $127,790 R Richard Sharp $25,000 R Comdisco Inc. $20,000 R Compuadd $86,370 R Cosmetic Toiltry & Fragrance Association $33,050 R Dart Group Corp. $25,000 D Wallace Dayton $50,000 D Decorating Den $150,000 R DFS Hawaii $20,000 D Direct Selling Association $78,957 D Leonard Eber $57,500 D Fashion Resource Inc. $20,000 D Donald Fisher $72,500 R Paul Goldenberg $30,000 D Jack Eckerd Corp. $53,000 R J.C. Penney Co. Inc. $20,650 D

$56,900 R Sidney Kimmel $100,000 D Kmart Corp. $37,500 R Limited Inc. $135,250 D

$491,200 R Bernard Marcus $56,000 R Mary Kay Cosmetics $40,600 D May Department Stores Co. $73,000 R Melville Corp. $32,415 R Michael’s Stores Inc. $86,200 R Stuart Moldaw $140,000 D National Retail Federation Inc. $27,500 D

$29,585 R Mr. and Mrs Arthur Ortenberg $105,000 D Richard Park $50,000 D Milton Petrie (deceased) $100,000 R Carroll Petrie $25,000 R Sol Price $100,000 D Rite Aid Corp. $126,500 R Sears Roebuck & Co. $41,000 D

$21,065 R Jay Stein $100,000 D Tesco $20,000 R Susie Tompkins $87,500 D Lilian Vernon $90,000 D Fred Hochberg $35,000 D Alice Walton $150,000 D Woodward & Lothrop $22,010 R

TELECOMMUNICATIONS

ACC Corp. $30,000 R John Adler $60,000 R Aironet Wireless Communications Inc. $25,000 R AirTouch Communications $26,500 D

$30,000 R Altel Corp. $20,000 R Ameritech Corp. $47,025 D

$163,165 R AT&T $405,142 D

$441,750 R Bell Atlantic Corp. $251,865 D

$289,700 R BellSouth Corp. $50,818 D

$71,014 R Cable & Wireless Inc. $25,000 D

$20,000 R Cabletron System Inc. $50,000 R Cablevision Industries Corp. $55,000 R Alan Gerry $20,000 R Capital Cellular Corp. Inc. $25,000 D Centel Corp. $32,950 D

$27,800 R Comcast Corp. $70,000 R QVC Network Inc. $25,000 D

$30,000 R Competitive Telecommunications Association $64,450 D Computer & Communications Industry Association $90,900 D COMSAT Corp. $65,750 D

$68,000 R CVI Cablevision Center $50,000 D Del Laboratories Inc. $60,000 R GCI Communication Corp. $20,000 R William Ginsberg $25,000 D GTE PAC $50,275 R Indus Inc. $45,000 D Interactive Wireless Technologies Inc. $46,750 D International Computers and Telecommunications Inc. $42,921 R Terry Johnson $46,827 R Donald Jones $25,000 R L.A. Technologies $50,000 D Lacerte Software Corp. $75,000 R Manfred Lehmann $20,000 D Management Systems Applications $76,949 R McCaw Cellular Communications $22,000 R MCI Telecommunications Corp. $569,214 D

$371,870 R Michigan Bell $52,000 D Microsoft Corp. $40,000 R Mills Communications Inc. $20,000 D Mobile Telecom Technologies Corp. $35,000 D

$182,000 R John Palmer $44,700 R C. Victor Raiser II $35,646 D National Semiconductor $100,000 R National Telephone Cooperative Association $24,600 D

$45,000 R Northern Telecom Inc. $60,550 D

$142,992 R NYNEX Corp. $262,752 D

$429,842 R NYNEX Telesector Resources Group $50,000 R Orkland Corp. $50,000 R Pacific Telesis Group $204,800 D

$283,227 R SBC Communications $178,600 D

$189,010 R Siemens Corp. $168,600 D

$47,500 R Sprint Corp. $235,100 D

$102,800 R Stephens Engineering Company $31,827 R Tele-Communications Inc. $36,500 D

$235,000 R Telecommunications Industry Association $29,750 R Televideo International Group $32,500 R TVCN Communications Network $25,000 D Unisys Corp. $35,000 R U.S. Telephone Association $86,068 D

$74,750 R U.S. West Inc. $175,000 D

$193,347 R West Publishing $40,000 R Dwight Opperman $100,000 D

$20,000 R Vance Opperman $95,000 D Wisconsin Bell Inc. $27,000 R

TABACCO

American Tobacco Co. $25,000 R American Brands Inc. $25,000 R Brooke Group Ltd. $25,000 D Brown & Williamson Tobacco Corp. $516,000 R Conwood Co. LP $26,575 R Lorillard Tobacco Corp. $30,000 D

$142,500 R Philip Morrs Co. Inc. $453,500 D

$2,266,276 R Miller Brewing Co. $25,500 R RJR Nabisco $579,900 D

$1,626,757 R Smokeless Tobacco Council Inc. $100,825 D

$283,042 R Tobacco Institute $290,025 D

$510,879 R U.S. Tobacco Co. $201,308 D

$865,466 R

TRANSPORTATION

Aerobus of Texas Inc. $25,000 R Airline Brokers Co. Inc. II $35,000 D Alamo Rent A Car $28,414 D Lynn Alandt $20,000 R American Airlines $91,900 D

$47,762 R American Automobile Manufacturers Association $25,000 R American International Inc. $60,000 D American Trucking Associations Inc. $171,025 D

$163,500 R Armored Tranport Inc. $82,400 R Association of American Railroads $21,000 R Auto Dealers & Drivers for Free Trade $35,000 R Avis Rent A Car $22,500 R Farhad Azima $40,000 D Berman Enterprises Inc. $20,725 R Bethany Limousine $42,982 R Boeing Co. $216,450 D

$168,950 R Burlington Northern Santa Fe Atchison Topeka & Santa Fe Railways $119,000 R Burlington Northern Railroad Co. $63,325 D

$35,000 R Topeka & Santa Fe Railway Co. $20,000 R Challenge Air Cargo Inc. $30,000 R Evelyn Chambers $79,000 D Chicago & North Western Transportation Co. $40,000 R Chrysler Corp. $41,250 R Conrail Inc. $40,000 R Consolidated Rail Corp. $56,500 D Cooper/T Smith Stevedoring $25,000 R Crete Carrier Corp. $90,000 R John Hennessy $147,400 R CSX Corp. $77,506 D

$268,500 R Delta Air Lines Inc. $62,300 D Feldmann Nissan $25,000 R Jospeh Fenley $50,000 R Leonard Firestone $80,000 R Ford Motor Co. $64,150 R William Ford $25,000 R Gainey Corp. $75,000 R Galpin Ford $107,400 R General Motors $59,025 R Hughes Aircraft Co. $27,500 R G.S. Ishiyama & Co. $105,000 D Harrington & Co. Inc. $75,000 D Hunter Engineering Co. $25,000 R Insurance Auto Auctions Ayse Kenmore $26,006 D Robert Kenmore $35,006 D International Air Leases Inc. $78,000 R International Matex Tank Terminals $45,000 R Kansas City Southern Railway Co. $23,250 D

$52,963 R Liberty Maritime Corp. $25,000 R M&C Corp. $40,000 R Marketing Corporation of America $20,000 R Mercedez Benz of North America $25,000 D Metroplex Corp. $103,550 D Norfolk Southern Corp. $44,500 D

$48,900 R Northwest Airlines $31,000 D

$23,500 R Kathryn Checci $25,000 D Gary Wilson $31,000 D

$125,000 R Oceanic Ltd. Inc. $44,554 R Mandell Ourisman $125,000 R Paccar Inc. $44,500 R Roger Penske Sr. $27,500 R Roger Penske $27,500 R Pioneer Engineering & Manufacturing Co. $20,000 R Heinz Prechter $91,200 R Prince Corp. $95,000 R Edgar Prince $40,000 R Raani Corp. $148,500 D Ramp International Inc. $22,490 R Rosenthal Cos. $167,400 R Royal Caribbean Cruises Ltd. $23,275 D Ruan Inc. $76,000 R Ryder System Inc. $35,750 D

$27,500 R Saturn Corp. $43,100 R SEL Maduro $60,000 D Sea-Barge Inc. $40,000 D Earl Slick $21,000 R Sonicair $20,000 R Jack Taylor $120,000 R Toresco Enterprises Inc. $25,000 R Tower Air $75,000 D Toyota Motor Sales USA Inc. $88,750 D

$173,310 R Truck Rental Co. $22,000 R Tuttle-Click Ford $20,000 R Union Pacific $28,250 D

$184,477 R Union Pacific Resources $20,000 R United Airlines $80,000 D

$70,795 R United Services Automobile Association $70,000 R Victory Van Lines Inc. $23,150 R YYK Enterprises Inc. $25,000 R

Vicki Kemper is editor. Deborah Lutterbeck is staff writer. Intern Christine Davilas assisted with research.

COPYRIGHT 1996 Common Cause Magazine

COPYRIGHT 2004 Gale Group